How dictators and militarist regimes arose in several countries in the 1930s

Parmi les démocraties industrialisées, seules deux la pratiquent : les États-Unis et le Japon. Cette résolution comme les autres résolutions de l'ONU n'a pas de valeur contraignante mais peut être vue comme le signe que la majorité des états souhaite remettre en cause la peine de mort.

Cependant huit des dix pays les plus peuplés ont voté contre la résolution. Elle a été renouvelée en Anti-capitalists, in the strict sense of the word, are those who wish to replace capitalism with another type of economic system.

Un spectre politique large et très divers s'est réclamé ou se réclame de l'anticapitalisme. In majority Protestant countries with large scale immigration, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, suspicion or discrimination of Catholic immigrants often overlapped or conflated with nativism, xenophobia, and ethnocentric or racist sentiments i. In the Early modern period, in the face of rising secular powers in Europe, the Catholic Church struggled to maintain its traditional religious and political role in primarily Catholic nations.

As a result of these struggles, there arose in some majority Catholic countries especially among those individuals with certain secular political views a hostile attitude towards the considerable political, social, spiritual and religious power of the Pope and the clergy in the form of anti-clericalism. Such campaigns date mostly from the late 20th century, although occasional voices in opposition to corporal punishment existed from ancient times through to the modern era.

But it can also involve, for example, kicking, shaking or throwing children, scratching, pinching, biting, pulling hair or boxing ears, forcing children to stay in uncomfortable positions, burning, scalding or forced ingestion. The anti-fascist movement began in a few European countries in the s, and eventually spread to other countries around the world. Il prend forme dans les années et se développe conséquemment à la montée du fascisme en Europe.

Il a connu un très fort développement au cours des annéesétant à l'origine de la formation des Fronts populairespuis pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale au sein des résistances contre les dictatures fascistes et nazies ainsi que les régimes de collaboration.

Certains historiens reprochent à l'antifascisme d'avoir été instrumentalisé par le mouvement communiste. The previous constitution, called the Articles of Confederation, gave state governments more authority. Led by Patrick Henry of Virginia, Anti-Federalists worried, among other things, that the position of president, then a novelty, might evolve into a monarchy.

Ce mouvement est parfois nommé l'Anti-Administration Party qui deviendra plus tard le Parti républicain-démocrate de Thomas Jefferson et James Madison.

This opposition has taken various forms across time and cultures. For example, antifeminists in the late s and early s resisted women's suffrage, while antifeminists in the late 20th century opposed the Equal Rights Amendment.

Antifeminism may be motivated by the belief that feminist theories of patriarchy and disadvantages suffered by women in modern society are mischaracterized or exaggerated; that feminism as a movement encourages misandry and results in harm or oppression of men; or driven by general opposition towards women's rights.

The movement is also commonly referred to as the global justice movement, alter-globalization movement, anti-globalist movement, anti-corporate globalization movement, or movement against neoliberal globalization. Participants base their criticisms on a number of related ideas. What is shared is that participants oppose what they see as large, multi-national corporations having unregulated political power, exercised through trade agreements and deregulated financial markets.

Specifically, corporations are accused of seeking to maximize profit at the expense of work safety conditions and standards, labor hiring and compensation standards, environmental conservation principles, and the integrity of national legislative authority, independence and sovereignty.

A less common usage is by isolationists who oppose an interventionist foreign policy. People who categorise themselves as anti-imperialists, often state that they are opposed to colonialism, colonial empire, hegemony, imperialism, and territorial expansion of a country beyond its established borders.

The phrase gained a wide currency after the Second World War and at the onset of the Cold War as political movements in colonies of European powers promoted national sovereignty. In the Arab and Muslim world, the term is often used in the context of Anti-Zionist nationalist and religious movements.

Cette idéologie est corollaire au processus de décolonisation, aux mouvements de libération nationale et, dans une certaine mesure, au nationalisme. L'anti-impérialisme est aussi une notions cruciale du marxisme-léninisme. Le concept, qui diffère de l'usage commun, est approfondi dans le livre de L'Impérialisme, stade suprême du capitalisme de Lénine entre autres.

Dans la théorie marxiste, l'impérialisme est un stade du capitalisme au cours duquel le capital financier supplante toutes les autres formes du capital. L'anti-impérialisme a été l'un des principales politique de l'URSS, de la République populaire de Chine, de Cuba et des autres pays communistes depuis la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La fin du XXe siècle sous l'hégémonie des États-Unis voit la naissance d'un nouvel impérialisme. L'anti-impérialisme, dans ces circonstances, est une part intégrante du mouvement altermondialiste qui s'oppose à la mondialisation libérale et aux grands accords de libre-échange et du mouvement pacifiste qui s'oppose aux invasions militaires.

The founding of the Roman Republic is a noteworthy example and became part of the nation's traditions including as justification for the assassination of Julius Caesar. The twentieth century saw a major acceleration of this process, with many monarchies violently overthrown by revolution or war, or else abolished as part of the process of decolonisation.

By contrast, the restoration of monarchies is rare in modern times, with only two major examples, Spain and Cambodia. Les opposants au nucléaire soutiennent qu'il existe des solutions alternatives, telles que les économies d'énergie ou les énergies renouvelables et que l'uranium est, de même que les énergies fossiles, une source d'énergie dont l'épuisement est attendu dans quelques décennies. Les opposants au nucléaire soutiennent notamment qu'il existe des liens étroits entre le nucléaire civil et militaire, et que le nucléaire civil a une responsabilité lourde dans la prolifération nucléaire.

Some direct action groups, environmental groups, and professional organisations have identified themselves with the movement at the local, national, and international level. The initial objective of the movement was nuclear disarmament, though since the late s opposition has included the use of nuclear power. Many anti-nuclear groups oppose both nuclear power and nuclear weapons.

The formation of green parties in the s and s was often a direct result of anti-nuclear politics. Scientists and diplomats have debated nuclear weapons policy since before the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in The public became concerned about nuclear weapons testing from aboutfollowing extensive nuclear testing in the Pacific. Inmany countries ratified the Partial Test Ban Treaty which prohibited atmospheric nuclear testing. Some local opposition to nuclear power emerged in the early s, and in the late s some members of the scientific community began to express their concerns.

In the early s, there were large protests about a proposed nuclear power plant in Wyhl, West Germany. The project was cancelled in and anti-nuclear success at Wyhl inspired opposition to nuclear power in other parts of Europe and North America. Nuclear power became an issue of major public protest in the s. A protest against nuclear power occurred in July in Bilbao, Spain, with up topeople in attendance. Following the Three Mile Island accident inan anti-nuclear protest was held in New York City, involvingpeople.

InGermany's largest anti-nuclear power demonstration took place to protest against the Brokdorf Nuclear Power Plant west of Hamburg; somepeople came face to face with 10, police officers. The largest protest was held on June 12,when one million people demonstrated in New York City against nuclear weapons. A nuclear weapons protest in West Berlin had aboutparticipants. In Mayfollowing the Chernobyl disaster, an mysimba obesite morbidetopeople marched in Rome to protest against the Italian nuclear program.

For many years after the Chernobyl disaster nuclear power was off the policy agenda in most countries, and the anti-nuclear power movement seemed to have won its case.

Some anti-nuclear groups disbanded. In the s decadehowever, following public relations activities by the nuclear industry, advances in nuclear reactor designs, and concerns about climate change, nuclear power issues came back into energy policy discussions in some countries. The Japanese nuclear accidents subsequently undermined the nuclear power industry's proposed renaissance and revived nuclear opposition worldwide, putting governments on the defensive.

As ofcountries such as Australia, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Malaysia, New Zealand, and Norway have no nuclear power stations and remain opposed to nuclear power. Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland are phasing-out nuclear power. Globally, more nuclear power reactors have closed than opened in recent years.

In general, anti-racism is intended to promote an egalitarian society in which people do not face discrimination on the basis of their race, however defined. En général l'antiracisme promeut une société dans laquelle les individus ne subissent pas de discrimination sur la base de leur ethnie dont la définition peut varier. La notion d'antiracisme, tout comme les acteurs de la lutte dite antiraciste, ont été critiqués par certains intellectuels notamment pour sa faiblesse conceptuelle, ses utilisations politiques, voire paradoxalement par la réintroduction de la notion de race au sein du débat national.

Some criticisms are not directed toward socialism as a system, but are directed toward the socialist movement, socialist political parties or existing socialist states.

Some critics consider socialism to be a purely theoretical concept that should be criticized on theoretical grounds such as in the Socialist calculation debate ; others hold that certain historical examples exist and that they can be criticized on practical grounds. Economic liberals and right libertarians view private ownership of the means of production and the market exchange as natural entities or moral rights which are central to their conceptions of freedom and liberty, and view the economic dynamics of capitalism as immutable and absolute.

Therefore, they perceive public ownership of the means of production, cooperatives and economic planning as infringements upon liberty. According to the Austrian school economist Ludwig von Mises, an economic system that does not utilize money, financial calculation and market pricing will be unable to effectively value capital goods and coordinate production, and therefore socialism is impossible because it lacks the necessary information to perform economic calculation in the first place.

Another central argument leveled against socialist systems based on economic planning is based on the use of dispersed knowledge. Socialism is unfeasible in this view because information cannot be aggregated by a central body and effectively used to formulate a plan for an entire economy, because doing so would result in distorted or absent price signals.

Many economic criticisms of socialism focus on the experiences of Soviet-type planned economies. It is argued that a lack of budget constraints in enterprises operating in a planned economy reduces incentives for enterprises to act on information efficiently, thereby reducing overall welfare for society.

Other economists criticize models of socialism based on neoclassical economics for their reliance on the faulty and unrealistic assumptions of economic equilibrium and pareto efficiency. Some philosophers have also criticized the aims of socialism, arguing that equality erodes away at individual diversities, and that the establishment of an equal society would have to entail strong coercion.

Therefore, the criticisms presented below may not apply to all forms of socialism, and many will focus on the experience of Soviet-type economies.

It is also important to note that different models of socialism conflict with each other over questions of property ownership, economic coordination and how socialism is to be achieved - so critics of specific models of socialism might be advocates of a different type of socialism.

Certaines critiques ne sont pas dirigées vers le socialisme en tant que système, mais sont dirigés vers des mouvements socialistes, des partis politiques socialistes ou des états socialistes existants. Certaines critiques considèrent le socialisme comme un concept purement théorique qui doit être critiqué pour des raisons théoriques, d'autres soutiennent que les expériences socialistes peuvent être critiquées sur les faits.

Certains encore veulent englober plusieurs exemples historiques d'États communistes dans une forme de socialisme. Le socialisme est donc une notion large, certaines critiques présentées dans cet article ne s'appliqueront qu'a un modèle spécifique du socialisme qui peuvent différer considérablement des autres types de socialisme.

Les libéraux économiques, libertariens, pro-capitalistes et quelques libéraux classiques considèrent l'entreprise privée, la propriété privée des moyens de production et l'échange sur le marché comme des phénomènes naturels ou moraux[pas clair], au centre de leurs conceptions de la liberté.

Et par opposition, les membres de ces trois groupes peuvent percevoir la propriété publique des moyens de production, des coopératives et de la planification économique parrainé par l'État comme des atteintes à la liberté[pas clair]. Les membres de l'école néoclassique d'économie critiquent les théories socialistes qui favorisent la participation de l'État ou de la centralisation du capital sur les motifs du manque de motivation au sein des institutions de l'État d'agir sur l'information aussi efficacement que les gestionnaires dans les entreprises capitalistes parce qu'ils n'ont pas de forte contrainte profit et mécanisme de pertece qui réduit le bien-être économique global pour la société.

Les membres de l'école autrichienne d'économie soutiennent que les systèmes socialistes basé sur la planification économique sont impossibles parce qu'ils n'ont pas l'information pour effectuer le calcul économique en premier lieu en raison d'un manque de prix libre, qu'ils croient nécessaires pour rationnelle calcul économique. The term can also refer to pacifism, which is the opposition to all use of military force during conflicts.

Many activists distinguish between anti-war movements and peace movements. Anti-war activists work through protest and other grassroots means to attempt to pressure a government or governments to put an end to a particular war or conflict. According to many notable Jewish and non-Jewish sources, anti-Zionism has become a cover for modern-day antisemitism, a position that critics have challenged as a tactic to silence criticism of Israeli policies.

Il apparaît d'une part parmi les dirigeants traditionalistes juifs pour des raisons religieuses ou par crainte des Juifs assimiliationistes et d'autre part parmi les dirigeants arabes de Palestine et certains officiers britanniques quand la Grande-Bretagne perte de poids crossfit usine de la société des Nations un mandat pour administrer le pays.

Outre l'opposition politique, l'antisionisme arabe palestinien de l'époque se manifeste lors de la Grande Révolte arabe de et puis par la Guerre israélo-arabe de L'antisionisme juif est moins important et d'origine religieuse. Il se réduit fortement à partir de avec la nomination au grand rabbinat d'Eretz Israel du rabbin Abraham Isaac Kook pour disparaître presque totalement après la Shoah, la Résolution de l'ONU du 30 novembre qui prévoit le Plan de partage de la Palestine et l'établissement d'un État juif, l'État d'Israël, que les Arabes tentèrent vainement d'empêcher lors de la guerre de et qui est l'aboutissement du projet sioniste originel.

Après la guerre de et les conquêtes territoriales israéliennes, et en parallèle avec la médiatisation de la cause palestinienne et du problème des réfugiés palestiniens, la notion d'antisionisme évolue et devient plus ambiguë. Le terme peut caractériser des prises de positions aussi éloignées que le simple rejet de la politique israélienne à la revendication de son anéantissement.

Ainsi, l'antisionisme est parfois invoqué comme une échappatoire pour voiler une nouvelle forme d'antisémitisme et cette accusation est elle-même dénoncée comme une manipulation visant à empêcher toute critique d'Israël et du sionisme. The establishment was maintained in England, but in Ireland the Church of Ireland Anglican was disestablished in In Wales, four Church of England dioceses were disestablished in and became the Church in Wales.

Antidisestablishmentarianism is also one of the longest non-scientific words. The word has also come by analogy to refer to any opposition to those who oppose the establishment, whether the government, in whole or part, or the established society.

A person who holds such positions is called an antisemite. Antisemitism is widely considered to be a form of racism. The root word Semite gives the false impression that antisemitism is directed against all Semitic people.

Antisemitism may be manifested in many ways, ranging from expressions of hatred of or discrimination against individual Jews to organized pogroms by mobs, state police, or even military attacks on entire Jewish communities. Although the term did not come into common usage until the 19th century, it is now also applied to historic anti-Jewish incidents. Notable instances of persecution include the Rhineland massacres preceding the First Crusade inthe Edict of Expulsion from England inthe massacres of Spanish Jews inthe persecutions of the Spanish Inquisition, the expulsion from Spain inthe Cossack massacres in Ukraine from tovarious anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire between andthe — Dreyfus affair in France, the Holocaust in German-occupied Europe, official Soviet anti-Jewish policies, and Arab and Muslim involvement in the Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countries.

Il s'agit, dans son acception originelle telle que formulée vers la fin du XIXe siècle, d'une forme de racisme dirigée nominalement contre les peuples sémites, regroupés en tant que tels sur base de critères linguistiques, mais ne visant en réalité que les Juifs. In a narrower sense, atheism is specifically the position that there are no deities.

Most inclusively, atheism is the absence of belief that any deities exist. Atheism is contrasted cuisine minceur plancha theism, which, in its most general form, is the belief that at least one deity exists.

With the spread of freethought, skeptical inquiry, and subsequent increase in criticism of religion, application of the term narrowed in scope. Arguments for atheism range from the philosophical to social and historical approaches. Rationales for not believing in deities include arguments that there is a lack of empirical evidence; the problem of evil; the argument from inconsistent revelations; the rejection of concepts that cannot be falsified; and the argument from nonbelief.

Although some atheists have adopted secular philosophies eg. Many atheists hold that atheism is a more parsimonious worldview than theism and therefore that the burden of proof lies not on the atheist to disprove the existence of God but on the theist to provide a rationale for theism.

Since conceptions of atheism vary, accurate estimations of current numbers of atheists are difficult. According to these polls, Europe and East Asia are the regions with the highest rates of atheism. Selon les chiffres du Pew Research Center, enle mouvement recense 72 millions de croyants. Baptism in this faith is usually done by full immersion. Emphasis is placed on biblical scripture and preaching.

The Baptist denomination is primarily derived from early 17th-century England and Wales where it quickly spread although there are some links with the Anabaptists of the 16th century. Baptist churches very rapidly increased in the late 19th century in the United States. El bautismo en esta fe es usualmente hecho por inmersión total.

El énfasis es puesto en las Escrituras Bíblicas y la oración. De doop vindt bij deze gezindte doorgaans plaats door volledige onderdompeling. De nadruk ligt op Bijbelse geschriften en preken.

Het baptisme is in hoofdzaak ontstaan in de vroege 17de eeuw in Engeland en Wales waar het zich snel verspreidde, hoewel er enige verbanden zijn met de anabaptisten van de 16de eeuw. In de late 19de eeuw nam het aantal baptistische kerken in de Verenigde Staten snel toe. Après la révolution russe de application regime sportif thononles bolcheviks prennent le pouvoir au nom des soviets en octobre dans le cadre de la République socialiste fédérative soviétique de Russie.

Enle Parti bolchévique est renommé Parti communiste. The RSDLP was a revolutionary socialist political party formed in in Minsk to unite the various revolutionary organisations of the Russian Empire into one party. In the Second Party Congress vote, the Bolsheviks won on the majority perdre du ventre power plate important issues, hence their name.

They ultimately became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov, were by a major organization consisting primarily of workers under a democratic internal hierarchy governed by the principle of democratic centralism, who considered themselves the leaders of the revolutionary working class of Russia.

Their beliefs and practices were often referred to as Bolshevism. It was later used to refer to persons who hoped to restore the House of Bonaparte and its style of government. After Napoleon, the term was applied to the French politicians who seized power in the coup of 18 Brumaire, ruling in the French Consulate and subsequently in the First and Second French Empires under the House of Bonaparte the family of Bonaparte and his nephew Louis. The term was used more generally for a political movement that advocated a dictatorship or authoritarian centralized state, with a strongman charismatic leader based on anti-elitist rhetoric, army support, and conservatism.

Marxism and Leninism developed a vocabulary of political terms that included Bonapartism, derived from their analysis of the career of Napoleon Bonaparte. Marx argued that in the process, Bonapartists preserve and mask the power of a narrower ruling class.

In addition, Leon Trotsky was accused of using his position as commander of the Red Army to gain top-level power after Lenin's death. Noted political scientists and historians greatly differ on the definition and interpretation of Bonapartism. Sudhir Hazareesingh's book The Legend of Napoleon explores numerous interpretations of the term. He says that to argue Bonapartism co-opted the masses is an example of the Marxist perspective of false consciousness: the idea that the masses can be manipulated by a few determined leaders in the pursuit of ends.

Le terme a deux acceptions :. Le bonapartisme n ' implique donc pas forcément l ' adhésion à un système d ' organisation politique héréditaire mais peut au contraire s ' accommoder d ' une forme républicaine de gouvernement.

Il repose sur la fusion des élites et l'adhésion populaire. Ces deux facettes peuvent être distinctes ou confondues, selon les personnes et périodes. Based on the politics of Georges Ernest Boulanger. British nationalism is closely associated with British unionism, which seeks to uphold the political union that is the United Kingdom, or strengthen the links between the countries of the United Kingdom.

British nationalism's unifying identity descends from the ancient Britons who dwelt on the island of Great Britain. British nationalism grew to include people outside Great Britain, in Ireland, because of the Crown of Ireland Act, which declared that the crown of Ireland was to be held by the ruling monarch of England as well as Anglo-Irish calls for unity with Britain.

In its moderate form, British nationalism has been a civic nationalism, emphasizing both cohesion and diversity of the people of the United Kingdom, its dependencies, and its former colonies. Recently however, nativist nationalism has arisen based on fear of Britain being swamped by immigrants; this anti-immigrant nativist nationalism has manifested politically in the British National Party and other nativist nationalist movements.

Le bouddhisme comptait en entre millions et millions d'adeptes, ce qui en fait la quatrième religion mondiale, derrière dans l'ordre décroissant le christianisme, l'islam, et l'hindouisme.

À l'instar du jaïnisme, le bouddhisme est à l'origine une tradition shramana, et non brahmanique comme l'est l'hindouisme. Playing dominant roles in the art and culture of Southeast Asia and East Asia, this religion is based on the transcendence of human suffering and pain through the acceptance of the limitations of individuality, the surrender of worldly desires and cravings that cause disappointment and sorrow, and the deliverance from the impermanence of living and individual ego civil regime fit on wealth, social position, or family through the process of enlightenment nirvana.

The religion also centers around 'anatman', or no-self, the idea that the self is in a state of petit dejeuner regime fromage blanc or a series of changing manifestations rather than in a state of fixed, metaphysical substance.

C temprano en la región nordeste de la India Moderna. The religion also centers around anatman, or no-self, the idea that the self is in a state of action or a series of changing manifestations rather than in a state of fixed, metaphysical substance.

Deze religie, die een dominante rol speelt in de kunst en cultuur van Zuidoost-Azië en Oost-Azië, is gebaseerd op het overstijgen van menselijk lijden en pijn door het accepteren van de grenzen van de individualiteit, het opgeven van wereldse verlangens en wensen die voor teleurstellingen en verdriet zorgen en het loslaten van het niet-permanente van het leven en het afzonderlijke ego met de bijbehorende welvaart, sociale positie of familierelaties, allemaal door het proces van de verlichting nirvana.

Bij deze religie staat ook 'anatman' centraal, het idee dat 'het zelf' altijd in ontwikkeling is of deel uitmaakt van een reeks veranderende verschijningsvormen in plaats van een vaste, metafysische substantie. De structuur van de religie is gebaseerd op de Triratna 'drie juwelen' van boeddhaeen drieledige structuur voor het leven gebaseerd op drie elementen: boeddha de leraardharma de leer en sangha de gemeenschap. L'Église catholique est l'une des plus vieilles institutions religieuses au monde et a joué un rôle important dans l'histoire, surtout du monde occidental.

La foi de l'Église catholique est résumée par le symbole de Nicée et elle se caractérise par la célébration des sept sacrements dont le plus important est l'Eucharistie célébré liturgiquement durant la messe. Selon son propre catéchisme, l'Église catholique est composée de trois parties qui ne forment qu'une seule Église placée sous Jésus-Christ : l'Église militante, l'Église triomphante et l'Église souffrante correspondant respectivement à l'ensemble des fidèles sur terre, l'ensemble des saints qui sont au ciel et l'ensemble des âmes qui sont au purgatoire.

L'Église catholique sur terre se conçoit comme une communion d'Églises locales ou particulières, c'est-à-dire ayant chacune un territoire et un évêque à sa tête. Celles-ci sont chacune pleinement l'Église catholique dans la mesure où elles sont en communion avec le pape, qui est l'évêque de Rome et considéré comme étant le successeur de saint Pierre, et en communion les unes avec les autres.

En plus d'être l'ensemble des baptisés, elle est aussi une institution et un clergé organisés de façon hiérarchique. In this religious branch, faith is considered an acceptance of revelation; revelation appears as doctrine. In juridical terms, it refers to the branch of Christianity distinguished as a unified, monolithic sacramental system under the governance of papal authority.

En esta rama de la religión, la fe es considerada como una aceptación de revelación; la revelación aparece como doctrina. Se refiere a la rama del cristianismo caracterizada por un canon ritual uniforme y altamente desarrollado y una estructura organizacional con raíces doctrinales basadas en las enseñanzas de los Apóstoles de Jesucristo en el primer siglo, en la Escuela Alejandrina de does dental caries mean, y en el pensamiento agustiniano.

En términos jurídicos, se refiere a la rama del Cristianismo distinguido como sistema sacramental unificado, monolítico bajo gobierno de la autoridad papal. In deze godsdienstige richting wordt het geloof beschouwd als een aanvaarding van de openbaring; de openbaring heeft de vorm van een doctrine.

In juridische zin verwijst de term naar de richting van het christendom die zich onderscheidt als een verenigd, monolithisch sacramenteel systeem onder het bestuur van het pauselijk gezag. Gedurende het grootste deel van de geschiedenis van dit systeem was de paus gevestigd in Rome en daarom wordt 'rooms-katholicisme' vaak gebruikt om dit begrip te onderscheiden van de orthodoxe katholieke kerk.

Christian pacifists state that Jesus himself was a pacifist who taught and practiced pacifism and that his followers must do likewise. Hennacy believed that adherence to Christianity required not just pacifism but, because governments inevitably threatened or used force to resolve conflicts, anarchism. However, most Christian pacifists, including the peace churches, Christian Peacemaker Teams and individuals such as John Howard Yoder, make no claim to be anarchists. Il désigne, a minima, le refus de la participation à la mise à mort d'un être humain à la guerre pour motif de conscience, et plus largement, le refus d'utiliser des moyens violents pour se défendre, parvenir à ses fins ou opposer une résistance.

Bien qu'étant la position d'origine des premiers chrétiensle pacifisme est considéré comme la position minoritaire au sein des Églises chrétiennes, la position dominante dans l'histoire de l'Église étant la doctrine de la guerre juste. Ce refus d'attenter à la vie de la personne humaine se fonde sur l'un ou plusieurs les aspects bibliques-théologiques suivants : l'être humain comme créature et image de Dieu à ne pas tuer Ge 1.

Le pacifisme chrétien et la non-violence sont notamment connu en milieu catholique à travers les efforts de pacification de la communauté de Sant'Egidio et les nombreuses missions diplomatiques de Jean-Paul II[réf. Sa fondatrice, la théologienne américaine Mary Baker Eddy, estime avoir redécouvert en les lois appliquées par Jésus dans la guérison des malades et la résolution des aléas de la vie, lois toujours démontrables aujourd'hui.

Son observation des guérisons et résolutions diverses obtenues sur la base de sa théorie en prouve, selon elle, la validité. La Science chrétienne se veut une religion pratique permettant l'application de lois divines démontrables.

La principale critique de la Science chrétienne est qu'elle a un caractère alternatif et non complémentaire au traitement médical. Ainsi, tarif augmentation mammaire lifting guérisons alléguées sont obtenues en dehors de tout contrôle médical.

La principale défense de la Science chrétienne est que chacun est libre de choisir la méthode de guérison qu'il juge la plus efficace et qu'il n'existe aucune contrainte à ce sujet. Eddy, a semi-invalid who was interested in cures not involving medicine, claimed a recovery from a bad injury without medical assistance in Afterwards, she devoted herself to restoring the healing emphasis of early Christianity.

In she finished writing the first edition of the 'Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures. The 'Christian Science Monitor' is also published by the denomination. Christian Science believes that ignorance is at the root of human unease and thus 'dis-ease. Health, happiness, and holiness can be restored by applying to all aspects of life practices and attitudes in keeping with the principal of divine harmony.

The first Church of Christ, Scientist was founded in in Boston and its headquarters remain there. Después, se consagró a restaurar el énfasis curativo de la primera cristiandad. Este trabajo y la Biblia son los textos principales del movimiento y importancia se ha puesto en establecer salas de lectura donde estos trabajos pueden hacer su propia apelación a los lectores. La Ciencia Cristiana cree que la ignorancia es la raíz de los padecimientos humanos y por lo tanto de la enfermedad.

La primera Iglesia Científica de Cristo, se fundó en en Boston y su centro principal permanece allí. Eddy, die half invalide was en geïnteresseerd in genezing zonder medicijnen, beweerde dat zij in zonder medische hulp was hersteld van zwaar letsel.

Daarna wijdde zij zich aan het herstel van de nadruk op gebedsgenezing die het vroege christendom had gekenmerkt. In voltooide zij de eerste editie van haar boek 'Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures'. Dit werk en de Bijbel zijn de voornaamste geschriften van de beweging, die veel belang hecht aan de inrichting van leesruimten waar deze boeken een eigen beroep op de lezers kunnen doen.

Ook de 'Christian Science Monitor' wordt door het kerkgenootschap uitgegeven. Volgens de leer van Christian Science is onwetendheid de wortel van het menselijk ongemak, de menselijke ziekte. In plaats van medische behandeling te zoeken moet men gebedsgenezers van Christian Science raadplegen voor spirituele genezing. Gezondheid, geluk en heiligheid kunnen worden hersteld door alle aspecten van de levenspraktijk en -houding aan te botox para el pelo valquer in overeenstemming met het beginsel van goddelijke harmonie.

De eerste Church of Christ, Scientist werd in in Boston gesticht en het hoofdkwartier van de beweging is daar nog altijd gevestigd. Many Christian socialists believe capitalism to be idolatrous and rooted in greed, which some Christian denominations consider a mortal sin. Christian socialists identify the cause of inequality to be the greed that they associate with capitalism. Christian socialism became a major movement in the United Kingdom beginning in the s through the Christian Socialist Movement, since known as Christians on the Left.

Il s'agit d'une religion du salut considérant Jésus-Christ comme le Messie annoncé par les prophètes dans l'Ancien Testament qui vient sauver l'humanité du Mal et la faire participer à la vie de Dieu. Les premières communautés chrétiennes naissent au Ier siècle en Judée et dans les grandes villes de la diaspora juive telles que Rome, Éphèse, Antioche et Alexandrie. Le christianisme se développe dès le IIe siècle dans l'Empire romain, dont il devient la religion officielle au IVe siècle, mais aussi en Perse, en Inde et en Éthiopie.

Au Moyen-Âge, le christianisme devint majoritaire en Europe, tandis qu'il s'amenuise face à l'islam dans les régions où il est né. Depuis le XVIe siècle, il est devenu la religion la plus importante de la planète par son expansion en Amérique et, plus tard, en Afrique. Il est actuellement présent dans tous les pays du monde. À la mi, le nombre total de chrétiens dans le monde est évalué à 2, milliards, ce qui en fait la religion comptant le plus grand nombre de fidèles au monde devant l'islam qui en compte environ 1,6 milliard.

Its roots are in the Judaic tradition and the Old Testament. The tenets include a belief in the death and redemptive resurrection of Jesus. The religion incorporates a tradition of faith, ritual, and a form of church authority or leadership. La religión incorpora una tradición de fe, ritual y una forma de iglesia de autoridad y liderazgo.

De wortels van deze religie liggen in de joodse traditie en het Oude Testament. Een van de kenmerkende grondbeginselen is het geloof in de dood en wederopstanding van Jezus. De religie omvat een traditie van geloof, rituelen en een vorm van kerkelijke autoriteit of leiderschap. Quand l'Église d'Angleterre rompt avec le Pape et l'Église catholique romaine, l'Église d'Irlande évolue également vers la Réforme, gardant son statut juridique et ses possessions, si sa doctrine change.

Ainsi, de nos jours, l'Église, dans ses cathédrales et ses églises, conserve largement l'héritage des constructions médiévales de l'île. La nouvelle Église indépendante n'est cependant pas suivie par la majorité de la population ; l'Église catholique romaine conserve le soutien de la plus grande partie des habitants, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui.

En dépit de son caractère minoritaire, cependant, l'Église d'Irlande conserve le statut de religion d'État jusqu'au désétablissement dequand Gladstone abolit l'Acte d'établissement. Le nombre d'églises est tombé brusquement au cours du XXe siècle, particulièrement en République d'Irlande, après l'indépendance ; le dernier recensement de la République montre un exemple rare de résistance à la crise de la foi. Aujourd'hui, l'Église d'Irlande est, après l'Église catholique, la deuxième plus importante Église de l'île d'Irlande.

C'est également la plus importante Église protestante de la République d'Irlande et le deuxième plus importante d'Irlande du Nord, après l'Église presbytérienne d'Irlande. Elle est gouvernée par un synode général du clergé et des laïcs et organisée en douze diocèses.

It is organised on an all-Ireland basis and is the second-largest Christian church on the island after the Catholic Church. Like other Anglican churches, it has retained elements of pre-Reformation practice, notably its episcopal polity, while rejecting the primacy of the Bishop of Rome.

Nevertheless, in theological and liturgical matters, it incorporates many principles of the Reformation, particularly those espoused during the English Reformation.

The church self identifies as being both Catholic and Reformed. Within the church, differences exist between those members who are more Catholic-leaning high church and those who are more Protestant-leaning low church or evangelical.

For historical and cultural reasons, the Church of Ireland is generally identified as a Protestant church. The Church of Ireland is the second-largest in the Republic of Ireland, with aroundmembers, and the third-largest in Northern Ireland, with aroundmembers.

Civil libertarianism is not a complete ideology; rather, it is a collection of views on the specific issues of civil liberties and civil rights. They ensure one's ability to participate in the civil and political life of the society and state without discrimination or repression. Civil rights include the ensuring of peoples' physical and mental integrity, life, and safety; protection from discrimination on grounds such as race, gender, national origin, colour, age, political affiliation, ethnicity, religion, or disability; and individual rights such as privacy and the freedoms of thought, speech, religion, press, assembly, and movement.

Political rights include natural justice procedural fairness in law, such as the rights of the accused, including the right to a fair trial; due process; the right to seek redress or a legal remedy; and rights of participation in civil society and politics such as freedom of association, the right to assemble, the right to petition, the right of self-defense, and the right to vote.

Civil and political rights form the original and main part of international human rights. They comprise the first portion of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with economic, social, and cultural rights comprising the second portion. Many historical communities practicing utopian socialism or anarchist communism did implement internal rules of communalist property ownership in the context of federated communalism.

It is at least theoretically possible for a federation of communes to include communes which do not practice communalist rules of property, which is to say, that the overall national government may be a federation of communes, but that private property rather than communalist property is the order within each such commune. As such, this usage is synonymous with sectarianism and associated with communal violence.

Communism includes a variety of schools of thought, which broadly include Marxism, anarchism anarchist communismand the political ideologies grouped around both. All these hold in common the analysis that the current order of society stems from its economic system, capitalism, that in this system, there are two major social classes: the working class — who must work to survive, and who make up a majority of society — and the capitalist class — a minority who derive profit from employing the proletariat, through private ownership of the means of production the physical and institutional means with which commodities are produced and distributedand that political, social and economic conflict between these two classes will trigger a fundamental change in the economic system, and by extension a wide-ranging transformation of society.

The primary element which will enable this transformation, according to this analysis, is the social ownership of the means of production. Plus largement, ce terme est associé au mouvement communiste international né après la Première Guerre mondiale, fruit d'une scission de la IIe Internationale provoquée par les bolcheviks.

Il renvoie également, dans le contexte de la guerre froide, à une alliance géopolitique bloc communiste dominée par l'Union soviétique, ainsi qu'au régime politique à parti unique, dictatorial ou totalitaire, en vigueur dans les pays du bloc communiste. Dans son sens d'origine, le communisme est une forme d'organisation sociale sans classes, sans État et sans monnaie, où les biens matériels seraient partagés. Enles bolcheviks, dirigés par Lénine, prennent le pouvoir en Russie lors de la Révolution d'Octobre.

Cet évènement change radicalement le sens du mot communisme : il désigne désormais un mouvement politique international, né d'une scission du socialisme, et qui se reconnaît dans le courant révolutionnaire incarné par les bolcheviks comme dans l'interprétation du marxisme par Lénine.

Le communisme se présente désormais comme la véritable expression politique du mouvement ouvrier, au détriment de la social-démocratie dont il est issu. Lénine et ses partisans créent en l'Internationale communiste dite Troisième Internationale, ou Komintern afin de regrouper à l'échelle internationale les partisans de la Russie soviétique.

L'Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques URSSfondée en pour fédérer les territoires de l'ex-empire russe, dirige via le Komintern les activités des partis communistes du monde entier : elle domine ainsi la mouvance communiste, malgré l'existence de courants dissidents. Endurant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l'URSS est attaquée par l'Allemagne nazie avec laquelle elle avait conclu un pacte deux ans plus tôt.

Les troupes soviétiques jouent alors un rôle déterminant dans la défaite du nazisme. Après-guerre, l'URSS accède au rang de superpuissance : elle epilation laser visage et grossesse militairement l'essentiel de l'Europe de l'Est, dont les pays deviennent des États communistes, formant le bloc de l'Est.

La Chine bascule également dans le camp communiste en La Chine de Mao occupe quant à elle une place à part après la rupture sino-soviétique. À l'apogée de l'influence du communisme dans le monde, un quart de l'humanité vit dans des pays communistes. Dans les annéesl'URSS tente de remédier à sa sclérose économique et politique en lançant un mouvement de réformes, la perestroïka : mais ce processus aboutit à l'effondrement général des régimes communistes européens entre et Par la suite, bien qu'en net déclin, le communisme ne disparaît pas : si des partis anciennement communistes ont adopté d'autres identités, d'autres ont conservé leur nom et sont associés au pouvoir dans certains pays.

À Cuba, au Viêt Nam, au Laos et en Corée du Nord, des pays communistes existent encore, sans se conformer à un mode de gouvernement unique. La République populaire de Chine, pays le plus peuplé de la planète, est toujours dirigée par un Parti communiste ; convertie à l'économie de marché, elle est aujourd'hui l'une des principales puissances mondiales.

En tant que dictatures à parti unique, les régimes communistes se sont tous rendus coupables de violations des droits de l'homme ; certains, comme l'URSS sous Staline et la Chine sous Mao, se sont livrés à des crimes de masse, le nombre de leurs victimes s'élevant à plusieurs millions de morts.

Le bilan historique du communisme, qui englobe un ensemble de réalités très différentes les unes des autres, demeure cependant, du fait même de sa complexité, contrasté et polémique.

Le communisme a fait l'objet de diverses approches historiographiques concurrentes, longtemps handicapées par la difficulté d'accès aux documents et par les contextes politiques nationaux et internationaux. La fin de la guerre froide et l'ouverture des archives du bloc de l'Est ont depuis bouleversé le champ des études sur le communisme, sans mettre fin à toutes les controverses autour du sujet.

Congregationalism is often considered to be a part of the wider Reformed tradition. Many Congregational churches claim their descent from Protestant denominations formed on a theory of union published by the theologian Robert Browne in These arose from the ideas of nonconforming Protestants during the Puritan Reformation of the Church of England.

In Great Sf signals regiment, the early Congregationalists were called Separatists or Independents to distinguish them from the similarly Calvinistic Presbyterians. Congregational churches were widely established in the Plymouth Colony and the Massachusetts Bay Colony later New Englandand together wrote the Cambridge Platform of which described the autonomy of the church and its association with others.

With their insistence on independent local bodies, they became important in many social reform movements, including abolitionism, temperance, and women's suffrage. Modern Congregationalism in the United States is largely split into three bodies: the United Church of Christ, the National Association of Congregational Christian Churches and the Conservative Congregational Christian Conference, which is the most theologically conservative.

Congregationalism, as defined by the Pew Research Center, is estimated to represent 0. Malgré la forte diversité théologique inhérente à leur forme d'organisation, la plupart des congrégationalistes se considèrent d'abord comme des réformés, soit traditionnels soit néo-orthodoxes barthiens. Leur rôle historique et leur influence, notamment aux États-Unis, excèdent largement ces chiffres.

In general, conscientious objector status is considered only in the context of military conscription and is not applicable to volunteer military forces. In some countries, conscientious objectors are assigned to an alternative civilian service as a substitute for conscription or military service. Some conscientious objectors consider themselves pacifist, non-interventionist, non-resistant, non-aggressionist, or antimilitarist.

A number of organizations around the world celebrate the principle on May 15 as International Conscientious Objectors Day. The term has also been extended to objecting to working for the military-industrial complex due to a crisis of conscience. The first established use of the term in a political context originated with François-René de Chateaubriand induring the period of Bourbon restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution.

The term, historically associated with right-wing politics, has since been used to describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies that are universally regarded as conservative, because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place and time.

Thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide range of issues. Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Britain in the s.

How dictators and militarist regimes arose in several countries in the 1930s

Les cultures ayant chacune des valeurs différentes, les conservateurs selon leur culture ont des buts différents. Mais tous les conservateurs promeuvent la défense statu quo ou le retour à des valeurs établies statu quo ante.

Pour Michael Freeden, le conservatisme croit seulement en un changement limité de ce qui est naturel ou organique ; aussi, pour lui, l'ordre social est indépendant de la volonté humaine. Bien que ce ne soit pas une idéologie en soi, le conservatisme est une philosophie politique dont les idées sont en grande partie liées à leur contexte d'existence.

Il est défini en partie par l'accent mis sur la tradition comme source de sagesse, bien au-delà de ce qui peut être démontré ou explicitement établi.

Il se fonde sur la conservation d'un ordre préétabli, selon les conventions, chacun à sa place. This party ceased to exist as an organised political entity in the early s, although it was used as a term of self-description by some political writers. A few decades later, a new Tory party would rise to establish a hold on government between andwith William Pitt the Younger followed by Robert Jenkinson, 2nd Earl of Liverpool. When the Whigs subsequently regained control, the Representation of the People Act removed the rotten boroughs, many of which were controlled by Tories.

In the following general election, the Tory ranks were reduced to MPs. Under the leadership of Robert Peel, the Tamworth Manifesto was issued, which began to transform the Tories into the Conservative Party. However, Peel lost many of his supporters by repealing the Corn Laws, causing the party to break apart.

Cognisant of these Malatestian insights, the second part of the paper reflects a resurgent interest in anarchist geographies more generally, and foregrounds a contextual focus of the divisive politics associated with Britain's attempts to leave the European Union 'Brexit'. Here the paper argues for the need to recognise that the crisis of representative democracy is always social and spatial in nature. This is illustrated primarily by highlighting the importance the state places by repeatedly appealing to popular "nationalist" sentiments.

In doing so, the state draws on a spatial mechanism of control, one which relies heavily on imagined and real geographical senses of sovereignty, territory and boundaries. Thinking though the implications that a more explicitly spatial reading of democracy, anarchism and the state presents, the paper concludes by considering how post-statist democratic futures might be better envisaged and enacted more fully.

After reconstructing the complex and contradictory figure of After reconstructing the complex and contradictory figure of Reparaz, a scholar and activist who oscillated between very different political positions in his especially long and productive career, we focus on the geostrategic writings he produced for the anarchist journals, CNT, Fragua Social and Solidaridad Obrera during the Spanish Civil War of Our argument is twofold: first, in the ideological wanderings of Reparaz it is possible to identify some elements of coherence around the principles of Top cremes anti rides japonais, Federalism and Africanism as produced by the Spanish culture of that time.

Second, the works he produced for the anarchist press in the last part of his life can provide important insights for present-day scholarship on critical, radical and anarchist geopolitics, especially on what an " anarchist geopolitics " might look like and which ways it can contribute to the largely debated problem of exiting the " territorial trap ". The case we present contributes to these debates by showing that an anarchist engagement with " geopolitics "a term that Reparaz used sometimes at the end of his career, might draw on challenging clashes of civilization and " pure " identities, on questioning statist and administrative frameworks of analysis and on focusing more on grassroots activism than on providing advice for state strategies.

This paper argues for a rediscovery and reassessment of the contributions that humanistic approaches can make to critical and radical geographies. Based on an exploration of the archives of Anne Buttimer and drawing upon Paulo My main argument is that Buttimer's notions of 'dialogue' and 'catalysis', which she put into practice through international and multilingual networking, should be viewed as theory-praxes in a relational and Freirean sense.

In extending and putting critically in communication literature on radical pedagogies, transnational feminism and the 'limits to dialogue', this paper discusses Buttimer's unpublished correspondence with geographers such as David Harvey, William Bunge, Myrna Breitbart, Milton Santos and others, and her engagement with radical geographical traditions like anarchism, repositioning 'humanism' vis-à-vis the fields of critical and radical geography.

Doi: View on onlinelibrary.

The Geographical Tradition on the move transnational travels of a classic. Engaging in a dialogue with the other contributors to this forum on spatialities of science and the deepening of historical work on geographical thought in the last few decades, I reflect on the impact of The Geographical Tradition on Engaging in a dialogue with the other contributors to this forum on spatialities of science and the deepening of historical work on geographical thought in the last few decades, I reflect on the impact of The Geographical Tradition on geographical traditions other than the Anglo-American one, analysing its citations and receptions in scholarly publications in French, Portuguese, Spanish and Italian.

This paper addresses the idea of geopolitics of hunger as proposed by a Brazilian geographer, Josué de Castro, whose originality and international impact in the fields of critical geography and development studies still merit fuller This paper addresses the idea of geopolitics of hunger as proposed by a Brazilian geographer, Josué de Castro, whose originality and international impact in the fields of critical geography and development studies still merit fuller acknowledgment both within and beyond the discipline of geography.

Historical geographers increasingly address editorial networks as an important element in contextual and situated readings of knowledge production. Recent work has shown that large publishing houses, such as Murray in Britain, Hachette in Recent work has shown that large publishing houses, such as Murray in Britain, Hachette in France and Perthes in Germany, played a primary role in shaping geographical knowledge.

This paper's contribution is an analysis of the collaboration between Élisée Reclus and Hachette over the Nouvelle Géographie universelle NGUa classic work in French geography that encompassed nineteen volumes between and Drawing upon archival sources, such as the published and unpublished correspondence between Reclus, his collaborators and the publishers, I argue that Reclus' negotiations with this mainstream publishing house were part of a political strategy that was deployed by early anarchist geographers to disseminate their views among broader audiences than just specialist and militant groups.

This was a successful bargain for both sides, as there were approximately twenty thousand copies of each volume of the NGU printed. To understand this strategy of public communication and political influence, I examine the international group of anarchist geographers who were involved in Reclus' editorial endeavour within the wider context of Hachette's editorial networks.

This involves situating the knowledge they produced coaching minceur benjamin castaldi photo two locations: Paris, where Hachette's headquarters were established, and Clarens, the Swiss village to which Reclus was exiled, and where he worked with collaborators such as Pyotr Kropotkin and Léon Metchnikoff to establish the 'centre of calculation' for his large encyclopaedia.

F Ferretti, B. This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on development, anti-development and critical development.

Our main argument is twofold: first, we argue that Santos played important although poorly understood roles in the debates which shaped both Anglophone and French-speaking critical geographers in the s and s.

Far from being passive receivers of ideas from the Global North, Southern scholars like Santos contributed to shape worldwide concepts in critical studies on development and underdevelopment. Second, the ideas spiralling out of Santos' networks can still nourish present-day scholars in development and critical development theories who are willing to criticize the 'ideology of development' without forgetting the material existence of poverty and socio-spatial marginalization.

Finally, Santos' biography and networks provide an example of cosmopolitan and multilingual intellectual work that can provide insights for the present-day the internationalization of critical and radical geographies.

Doi: DOI: This paper addresses the international networks of three Brazilian geographers who were exiled or variously persecuted after the establishment of a military dictatorship in Brazil in — Josué De CastroMilton Santos This paper addresses the international networks of three Brazilian geographers who were exiled or variously persecuted after the establishment of a military dictatorship in Brazil in — Josué De CastroMilton Santos and Manuel Correia de Andrade — whose works had an impact in the international field of critical scholarship in geography and development studies, which remains underplayed in present-day scholarship.

On the other hand, these sources suggest that the exile can play a creative role in stimulating exchanges of knowledge, a concept, on which further research is needed in political geography. Os membros dessa rede Imperial ambivalences. This article addresses the life and works of a virtually unknown lady explorer, Octavie Renard-Coudreauwho continued an Amazonian exploration 'alone' after the death of her husband, the maverick French geographer Henri This article addresses the life and works of a virtually unknown lady explorer, Octavie Renard-Coudreauwho continued an Amazonian exploration 'alone' after the death of her husband, the maverick French geographer Henri Coudreau It extends and connects two main bodies of scholarship, the first on women travellers and feminist historical geographies, the second on scientific couples and collaborative partnerships in the history of sciences.

I argue that, in addition to textual analysis, the social, biographical, cultural and political contexts of these travels allow a better understanding of the ambivalences that characterised Western travellers and scholars, both men and women, in imperial contexts. This helps avoiding essentialism and recovering the experiences of marginalised figures in the history of geography.

The story of Octavie Coudreau has elements of originality that can stimulate new reflections on these points, also because her travel experience was not in the hegemonic Anglophone context, and she was acquainted with unorthodox and dissident geographers of that time. This article also contributes to studies on the influence which anarchist geographers such as Elisée Reclus, a supporter of the Coudreaus, exerted on explorers, though Octavie seemed to keep her distance from this former socialist inspiration.

Teaching anarchist geographies: Elisée Reclus in Brussels and "the art of not being governed", Annals of the American Association of Geographers,1p. This paper addresses the issue of how to teach anarchist geographies, as discussed by the current literature in this field. To this end, I analyse an exceptional archival source, i. These notes are the only surviving document able to shed light on the short teaching experience Reclus had at the end of his career Drawing upon Benedict Anderson's notions of " anti-colonial imagination " and of different " frameworks of comparison "I show how Reclus tried to perform an anarchist geographical teaching by simultaneously embracing empathy toward cultural differences and universal feelings of justice and international solidarity.

Therefore, he taught a non-statist geography by showing his students what James Scott calls " the art of not being governed "addressing the examples of the egalitarian traditions of some non-European peoples, together with their anti-authoritarian and anti-colonial struggles.

Finally, I explain how this case can help to elucidate the present-day debates on performing radical teaching approaches inside and outside the academy. A Collective of Anarchist Geographers - Beyond Electoralism: Reflections on anarchy, populism, and the crisis of electoral politics more.

In particular, we draw on anarchist principles and approaches to consider opportunities for re-energising and re-orienting our academic and activist priorities in the wake of these turbulent times. Following a short introductory section, in which we collectively discuss key questions, challenges and tensions, each contributor individually draws from their own research or perspective to explore the possibilities of a politics beyond electoralism.

This paper addresses the relationship between the famous anarchist geographer Pyotr Kropotkin and his most important British editors, John Scott Keltie and James Knowles. It analyses their unpublished correspondence, which has survived, It analyses their unpublished correspondence, which has survived, for the most part, in the state archive of the Russian Federation.

Drawing on recent literature on anarchist geographies, transnational anarchism and historical geographies of science, it examines the material construction of Kropotkin's works on mutual aid, decentralisation and 'scientific anarchism', which were originally published as articles for British periodicals. The paper argues that Kropotkin's acquaintance with liberal editors was not only a matter of necessity but a conscious strategy on his part to circulate political concepts outside activist milieus, thereby taking advantage of the public venues then available for geographers.

In this way, Kropotkin succeeded in getting paid for working almost full-time as an anarchist propagandist. The paper also contributes to the wider field of critical, radical and anarchist geographies by providing early examples of knowledge struggles against Creationism, Malthusianism and environmental determinisms which have lessons for the present.

Evolution and revolution: anarchist geographies, modernity and post-structuralism, Environment and Planning D-Society and Space, 35, 5, p. View on journals. This paper addresses the role of Ireland and Irish republicanism in the geography, biography and political thinking of the French anarchist geographer Elis ee Reclus This paper sheds new light on the construction of a This paper sheds new light on the construction of a scientific and political discourse, one which was radically opposed to external and internal colonialisms in the Age of Empire, analysing primary sources such as Reclus' texts and correspondencealong with his transnational networks.

It draws on present-day debates on 'geography and anarchism', postcolonial Ireland and international circulation and localisation of knowledge. I argue that European science at the time of imperialism and evolutionism was not a homogeneous field, but a battlefield where heterodox and nonconformist thinkers tried to develop different discourses in order to build cultures of solidarity linked to a consistent political action.

Keywords: Reclus brothers; Anarchist geographies; Anarchist anthropologies; Anti-colonialism; Otherness. Domosh, K. Morin, T. Women were part of the political and scientific networks that contributed to Elisée Reclus' enterprise of the New Universal Geography and built the " Antiauthoritarian International, " although they have been generally neglected by Women were part of the political and scientific networks that contributed to Elisée Reclus' enterprise of the New Universal Geography and built the " Antiauthoritarian International, " although they have been generally neglected by historiography.

During the French Second EmpireElie and Elisée Reclus collaborated with some of the most famous French militant women and feminists, like Louise Michel, Léodile Champseix known under the masculine pseudonym of André Léo and Noémi Reclus, including creating and participating in a league for women's rights.

This paper aims to clarify the working of these networks and their specific intersections with geography, in the period of the Paris Commune and in the following ten years of exile, mainly through an analysis of correspondences by Louise Michel, Léodile Champseix and the members male and female of the Reclus family. My main hypothesis is that the collaboration between feminist militants and anarchist geographers, questioning patriarchy, endorsing 'free union' and mixed education, anticipated several features of successive anarchist feminisms, and that its study can be a useful contribution to a " Feminist Historical Geography.

Drawing on recent thorough-going debates on 'geographies of peace', this paper addresses the experience of the French geographer Paul Dupuy and his daughter, Marie-Thérèse Maurettein the Geneva International Drawing on recent thorough-going debates on 'geographies of peace', this paper addresses the experience of the French geographer Paul Dupuy and his daughter, Marie-Thérèse Maurettein the Geneva International School between and Working with primary sources, I reconstruct their teaching of 'synthetic geography' and 'international culture', which aimed to establish didactic methods for peace education employing current geopolitical issues.

I discuss this early experience in geographies of peace in order to put it in its historical and international contexts and to give a contribution to present geographies and geopolitics of peace, by underscoring the importance of internationalism and voluntarism.

The main arguments of this study are the importance of multilingualism and cosmopolitan mentality, and the problems that politically committed geographies often found with institutions and 'national schools': the context of Dupuy's and Maurette's teaching was completely exterior to academia and marked by a strong voluntarism.

In this, it joined former examples of extra-institutional and engagé geographical networks, like those of the anarchist geographers Reclus and Kropotkin and of anarchist education, a tradition which played a role in inspiring Paul Dupuy's works.

This paper analyses a handwritten map surviving in the Département de Cartes et Plans at the Geneva Public Library, whose first version in colours remained unpublished until now. The map represents the project of New Geneva, a The map represents the project of New Geneva, a utopian settlement of Genevan watchmakers exiled after their participation in the Geneva Revolution, in the southern Irish county of Waterford.

I first analyse the contexts of this map by crossing Irish and Swiss sources. Then, I address the iconographic document drawing on recent literature on the imperial map and on unorthodox mappings.

I conclude that, though contributing to studies on the geographies of revolution and on unorthodox uses of cartography, this document reproduces some features of more classical maps of empire, being inserted in a project which was functional to British imperialism in Ireland. Finally, the project was not realised for lack of agreement between all the actors of this complex story. View on j-reading. Wood and R. White] more.

This assertion, clashing with the bourgeois interpretation of anarchy as chaos, perfectly captured the theories that were being elaborated by Reclus and This assertion, clashing with the bourgeois interpretation of anarchy as chaos, perfectly captured the theories that were being elaborated by Reclus and other anarchist geographers including Pëtr Kropotkin At the centre of these theories lay the conviction that societies organised around mutual aid and cooperation would be infinitely more rational and empowered than societies organised under the State and capitalism.

Then, militants like Errico Malatesta and Luigi Fabbri advocated the need for formal anarchist organisation - to put in practice the principles of a horizontal and federalist society in daily life - and prepare the grounds for revolution. According to the tradition of organisational communist anarchism, represented today by the International of Anarchist Federations, organisation is a key point, being not only a necessity, but the method for social transformation: without clarity on this, social struggles are likely to fall either in reformism either in Jacobinism.

Finally, I show how present-day anarchist geographies can contribute to these points through their effort to prefigure new spaces for new societies. Keywords: anarchist organisation; mutual aid; anarchist geographies; transnational anarchism; International of Anarchist Federations. This paper addresses how Élisée Reclus's geographical work was read and circulated by two important activists, intellectuals and exponents of 'transnational anarchism' in the twentieth century, the father and daughter Luigi and Luce This paper addresses how Élisée Reclus's geographical work was read and circulated by two important activists, intellectuals and exponents of 'transnational anarchism' in the twentieth century, the father and daughter Luigi and Luce Fabbri.

Using both their published work and unpublished archival sources, the paper analyses the various translations, multilingual studies and interpretations of Reclus that the Fabbris undertook in Italy and later Latin America, and the role they played in the international circulation and reinterpretation of Reclus's ideas.

This paper contributes to current studies of the circulation of geographical knowledge and historical geographies of science, as well as to the transnational turn in the social sciences and, in particular, its application to 'anarchist studies'.

It draws on the recent international literature devoted to the historical and epistemological relations between geography and anarchism, stressing the intimate relationship between intellectual and political work among early anarchist geographers.

View on sciencedirect. This paper addresses Patrick Geddes's relationship with geography and visual education by focusing on his collaboration with the network of the anarchist geographers Elie, Élisée and Paul Reclus. Drawing on empirical archival research in Drawing on empirical archival research in the Geddes's and Reclus's archives in Scotland, France and Switzerland, I contribute to the current debates on geographies of anarchist education and on geography as a visual discipline.

From a methodological standpoint, this paper draws on studies addressing historical circulations and localisations of knowledge as constitutive elements of science, trying to answer the Charles Withers' call to study the internal geography of the Edinburgh Outlook Tower, analysing the objects held in this " geographic museum ".

My main argument is that the collaboration between Geddes and the Recluses inaugurated specific strategies of multi-sensorial dietetique zinc 2014 education which were not limited to the sight, and which questioned and relativized the unicity of the observer's standpoint through devices like the Hollow Globe.

Focusing on apparatuses like the Outlook Tower's geographical exposition and the Valley Section, I show in which ways Geddes engaged with Élisée Reclus's critique of representation, and which contributions this can bring to present-day debates on geographical teaching.

View on tandfonline. Abstract: This paper addresses the work of early critics of colonialism and Eurocentrism within Italian geography in the Age of Empire.

At that time, a minority but rather influential group of Italian scholars, influenced by the Their positions assumed, at least in the case of Arcangelo Ghisleri, the character of a radical critique of both political and cultural European hegemony. Based on primary sources, and drawing on the international literature on imperial geography and colonial and postcolonial sciences, this paper conjures up the Italian example to discuss how some European geographers of the Age of Empire were also early critics of racism, colonialism and chauvinism, and how these historical experiences can serve current debates on critical, radical and anarchist geographies.

Riassunto: Questo articolo analizza il lavoro di uno tra i primi geografi nticolonialisti, Arcangelo Ghisleri, che fu anche tra i protagonisti della circolazione e traduzione delle idee di Élisée Reclus in Italia. Questo articolo porta un contributo ai dibattiti attuali sulle geografie anarchiche esplorando le basi storiche della loro costruzione transnazionale e cosmopolita, nonché ai dibattiti attuali sul postcolonialismo, fornendo un ulteriore caso di studio sulle geografie eterodosse e anticolonialiste in Europa.

As part of current studies focusing on geographies of education and spatiality of teaching and learning, this article addresses the didactic experiences of historical anarchist schools, which opened in several countries at the end of the As part of current studies focusing on geographies of education and spatiality of teaching and learning, this article addresses the didactic experiences of historical anarchist schools, which opened in several countries at the end of the 19th century.

The article deals especially with the example of the Cempuis School — in France, which was run by the anarchist activist and teacher Paul Robin. The aim here is twofold. First, the article clarifies the function of space and spatiality in the teaching and learning practices of the anarchist schools, at least according to the available sources; second, it reconstructs the international cultural transfer, still little known, of the geographical knowledge produced by scholars like Reclus and Kropotkin in the field of educational practices.

Finally, the article hopes to contribute to the understanding of spatial educational practices in current alternative, democratic and radical schools.

À partir de ses textes édits et inédits, nous interrogeons le rapport de Proudhon à la géographie, notamment dans la construction de ses approches du fédéralisme et du problème des nationalités.

Au sein de l'immense corpus proudhonien, nous nous focalisons spécifiquement sur les exemples emblématiques de ses écrits fédéralistes sur l'Italie et la Pologne.

Abstract: This paper addresses the 'geographicity' of the works of the famous philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, drawing on the critical frame of present studies on the relationship between geography and anarchism, a political theory which includes Proudhon among its founders.

Drawing on his published and unpublished texts, we interrogate Proudhon's relation with geography, mainly through his approaches to federalism and to the problem of nationalities. Within the mammoth Proudhon's corpus, we focus on the emblematic examples of his federalist writings on Italy and Poland. In a wide documentary appendix, we publish for the first time the chapter " Political Geography " from Proudhon's unpublished monograph on Poland, whose manuscript version survives in the Besançon public library.

View on cybergeo. View on editions-harmattan. View on societyandspace. The anarchist and geographer Élisée Reclus — argued for the idea of universal brotherhood for all the peoples of the world in his encyclopaedic work the Nouvelle Géographie Universelle NGU — In doing so I wish to demonstrate that far from being conventional, the NGU is a radical and interesting resource for those struggling to construct a critical discourse on Europe, otherness and colonialism.

View on authors. In recent years, researchers have rediscovered the important cartographic collection of Élisée Reclus — and Charles Perron —containing more than 10, maps of all kinds from the sixteenth to the twentieth century, In recent years, researchers have rediscovered the important cartographic collection of Élisée Reclus — and Charles Perron —containing more than 10, maps of all kinds from the sixteenth to the twentieth century, including several reproductions of early maps from Antiquity and the Middle Ages.

This paper explores the contribution of these two geographers to the history of cartography as a critical discipline, analyzing the construction of the Reclus—Perron cartographic collection. It considers examples of the social and political uses of the collection at the beginning of the twentieth century within the Cartographic Museum of Geneva — These materials provided the basis for an original social interpretation of the history of cartography as a critical discipline endowed with a social utility, as well as an opportunity to explore a different way of conceiving maps and geography, diverging from the uncritical hagiographies of geographical discoveries and cartographic accuracy which were typical of the time.

View on dx. Inventing Italy. Geography, Risorgimento and national imagination: the international circulation of geographical knowledge in the nineteenth century, Geographical Journal,vol. This paper addresses the construction of national unity by Italian geographers in the age of the Risorgimento, analysing this process within the context of the international emergence of national representations, identities and This paper addresses the construction of national unity by Italian geographers in the age of the Risorgimento, analysing this process within the context of the international emergence of national representations, identities and imaginaries which was similarly accompanied by geographers elsewhere during the nineteenth and early twentieth century.

Based on primary sources, focusing on European circulation of knowledge, and drawing on the study of the cultural and epistemological construction of the geographical objects, this paper contributes to current research on nationalism, identities and national imagination from the standpoint of social, cultural and historical geography.

Interrogating how geography constructed objects of cultural identity in Italy, initially through landscape and morphologic analysis, and finally in the geographical invention of the Italian nation, reveals the importance of this discipline for constructing social reality. The study of the role of geography historically in nation-building can shed light both on territorial challenges of the past, and those potentially to come.

The correspondence is mainly concerned with their geographical works, In this paper, we deal first with the importance of this source: it is an example of the material work of a network of geographers who were at the same time the founders of the international anarchist movement.

We suggest the correspondence falls into two parts: the first period — when Reclus was in exile in Switzerland after the Paris Commune ofand Kropotkin was in prison in France; and the second period — when the two anarchist geographers discuss the role of geographical education, historical geography in Europe and its part in the globalisation of their era. The archive also contains significant evidence of their relationships with British geography: Kropotkin lived in London and joined the Royal Geographical Society and was on familiar terms with leading Fellows, such as John Scott Keltie and Halford Mackinder.

The paper addresses the significance of the correspondence for understanding the relationships between geography, politics and public education, and the role of these heterodox geographers in the construction of geographical knowledge.

The paper is accompanied by the publication, for the first time, of an edited selection of the letters. Anarchy and Geography. Reclus and Kropotkin in the UK. Historical Geographies of Anarchism. Early critical geographers and present-day scientific challenges, Routledge more. Chollier et F. Ferretti more. Da Strabone al cyberspazio: introduzione alla storia del pensiero geografico, Milano, Guerini,p. Format p. View on hobo-diffusion. Elisée Reclus, lettres de prison et d'exil, Lardy, A la frontière,p.

Cet ouvrage, issu d'une recherche archivistique ponctuelle effectuée dans le cadre d'une plus vaste thèse de doctorat sur la Nouvelle Géographie universelle, contient la première édition critique et commentée des lettres que se sont Cet ouvrage, issu d'une recherche archivistique ponctuelle effectuée dans le cadre d'une plus vaste thèse de doctorat sur la Nouvelle Géographie universelle, contient la première édition critique et commentée des lettres que se sont échangées Élisée Reclusle célèbre géographe anarchiste, et Pierre-Jules Hetzeléditeur de Jules Verne et de Victor Hugo.

Le caractère exceptionnel des documents traités réside dans la nature extraordinaire des conditions d'écriture de ces lettres. En effet, la partie la plus dense de la correspondance débute enlorsque Reclus est prisonnier à Brest en raison de sa participation à la Commune de Paris, et se poursuit lorsqu'il est exilé en Suisse.

Les contraintes de la distance et de l'exil obligent les correspondants à s'écrire. Nous suivons alors le travail d'un auteur et de son éditeur dans le marché éditorial de l'époque, à travers la longue fabrication de deux des ouvrages les plus connus d'Élisée Reclus : Histoire d'un ruisseau et Histoire d'une montagne. Les commentaires des deux protagonistes sur la situation politique nous donnent un aperçu original de l'histoire française au début de la Troisième République, et nous introduisent dans les débats sur la fonction pédagogique de la géographie et du paysage et sur les problèmes de l'iconographie géographique, à une époque où les livres de géographie font leur entrée dans les écoles publiques.

View on alafrontiere.