This will require analysing the expansion and professionalisation of the market of indicators and rankings of degrees of democracy and the emergence of specialised expertise in election observation.
Emphasis will be laid on the various professionals active in this labelling. Special attention will be devoted to symbolic and political struggles and to the fallout from these rankings.
Another way to rethink the opposition between democracy and authoritarianism consists in investigating the transnational circulation of political regulation schemes and practices. It is worth considering the ways in which this aid and its technical forms may be reproduced or subverted. While the international dimension is clearly important, the transnational circulation of professionals and apparatuses and the contents of the practices being promoted deserve further investigation.
Emphasis will be placed on discursive and ideological outputs and on the mobilisation of symbols and authoritarian pasts. Legitimation discourses and apparatuses should also be checked against their uses in practice.
Hybrid attempts at legitimating the regime alimentaire probleme thyroide yeux in place by simultaneous recourse to democratic practices elections, limited participatory mechanisms see Allal, and authoritarian ideological constructs are found in various areas — North Africa, Turkey, Latin American and Central European countries.
These three research areas are in no way exclusive, and should serve as guidelines. We welcome proposals based on original and theoretically grounded empirical research, whose social science dimension must be explicit political science, sociology, anthropology…. Proposals will be written in French and English and total words max. They must include mentions of the empirical material used, the temporal and spatial framework of the research and state in which of the three research directions the paper is expected to fit.
Allal A. Anguelova-Lavergne D. Petric dir. Bank A. Bigday M. Les think-tankers biélorusses entre expertise et dissidenceParis, Dalloz à paraître. Börzel Tanja A. Camau M. Camau, G. Dakowska D. Diamond L. Dobry M. Guilhot N. Heydeman S. The only option for keeping power over the place was to use protectionist politics towards his kin, who were fully entrenched in the political culture of non-elite Turkmen hierarchy Botâkov,p.
As a result, Ashgabatis and Akhal-Tekes were systematically removed from influential positions in the republican apparatus or even eliminated from the political, social or cultural life in the first half of the s Kadyrov, a, pp. In this regard, we should mention the process with the Turkmen cultural elite, including, for example, the leading Turkmen poetess Annasoltan Kekilova Rashid,p. The Akhal-Teke were, however, also represented in the highest, albeit not the most influential, positions in the republic.
At the same time, trying to demonstrate his loyalty to the Central Committee and to Brezhnev personally, he continued to maintain the politics of subservience and corruption towards his patrons in Moscow. There were rumours about wagons of fruits, nuts and rugs for the all-Union Communist Party Central Committee.
The Constitution of Turkmenistan adopted in did not contain any article about the superiority of the Turkmen language in the republic Konstituciâ Niyazov also learned, since the time of his studies in the s, how to use his orphan background for his own career promotion Ryblov,p. Although formally Akhal-Teke, he was not considered a real representative of this regional group. The Central Committee of the Communist Party adopted the policy of replacement of the First Secretaries in the republics in order to break long-term clientelistic structures.
In this context, Niyazov became the first representative of Akhal-Teke appointed to the position of the first figure in the republic since Moscow was, however, not interested in the strengthening of this single group dominance within the republic. Niyazov apparently understood that his mission as the First Secretary was determined by Moscow in order to satisfy the demands of the Akhal-Teke regional group and, at the same time, maintain the position of the republican leader loyal to Moscow Kadyrov, a, pp.
He kept his loyalty to Gorbachev, when he had real power. Once Boris Yeltsin increased his position, Niyazov turned his support to him in the last months of the Soviet Union Ryblov,p. Gapurov had been accused of nepotism, flattery and careerism Rashid,p.
However, despite the removal of cadres connected with Gapurov, some spheres remained untouched. The security services, as well as the energy sector, were the most important spheres in which Akhal-Teke were underrepresented and remained under the direct control of Moscow.
In the latter case, he adopted the political culture well known to him based on the abovementioned characteristics. The symbolic significance of the appointment of Niyazov for the Akhal-Teke elite led to a fight for position in the republic within the Ashgabat elite and also led to it keeping its position, contrary to reforms in the Soviet Union. Niyazov understood his role in the Soviet centre as well as his position within the Turkmen elite. Cleaning the elite from the Gapurov period, Niyazov also understood that his best allies both in Moscow and within the republic could easily become his enemies.
This paranoid approach and his own loneliness without a firm anchor in the republic led him to the position of resistance to any attempts at alternative development. Although newly appointed Akhal-Teke groups supported this idea of stability, Niyazov preferred to act as if he had no allies or was only supported by occasional allies. Those who were in touch with him characterise him as cruel and demanding respect from his subordinates. He was not tolerant towards any alternative way of thinking or disagreement or challenge to his ideas Ryblov,pp.
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As he was able to rise in his career, he required the same approach from his subordinates. He also surrounded himself with the people who always agreed with his ideas. These factors enabled Niyazov to suppress any opponents in the last stages of perestroika and the beginning of the independent period. Later on, this environment helped him to establish personal rule in the independent Turkmenistan.
However, the Turkmenistan case of perestroika and glasnost was determined by several specifics. As mentioned above, the cadre changes promoted Akhal-Teke middle-ranking powerful figures into the highest positions in the republic in the mids.
These new rulers, including Niyazov, did not have much interest in dislodging the already established system. The political culture analysed above did not make the development of reformist movements or even political fractions easy. The reform-minded independent people, mostly from intelligentsia in the capital and fewer in the regions, were not able to gain powerful positions.
Moreover, these representatives were often considered as representatives of Ashgabat Akhal-Tekewith little support from other regions. As Kadyrov correctly points out, the representatives of the alternative groups often grew up and through in a different political culture he calls it Europeanwhich caused their alienation from the political culture of the Turkmen elites Kadyrov, a.
In fact, these two different and opposite views on the development of the Soviet republic put the alternative groups into opposition with the regime and its marginality in the substantial and even politically influential part of the Turkmen society. Moreover, the political culture of the elites, headed by Niyazov, was supported by power and media and administrative apparatus.
The case of the dynamics of Agzybirlik, the most visible, albeit informal at least from the beginning movement established in the Turkmen SSR, symptomatically shows this tendency and its fate was also repeated in other less important groups.
This character was determined more clearly at the last stage of perestroika, when repressions were launched towards the representatives of these groups, turning them into the real opposition or, on the contrary, the supporters of Niyazov. Many former Agzybirlik representatives were involved in other groups. According to Rashid, the first protests in Ashgabat took place as early aswhen about 2, veterans of the Soviet Afghan conflict took to the streets Rashid,p. However, this one-time action did not have a long-term effect on the internal processes in Turkmenistan, despite the topicality of the Afghan issue for Turkmen society.
Similar voices were heard in many other Soviet republics in which the local language was proclaimed as the primary one. Some Turkmen authors, even insupported the further process of Turkmenisation of the country and proposed the Latinisation of the Turkmen alphabet, moving back to the reforms of the s Clement,pp. The language issue was also discussed on the important informal Turkmenistan intelligentsia meeting in Aprilwhich resulted in vast interrogations with the organisers sanctioned by Niyazov Ryblov,p.
At the same time, the meetings and protests for various demands within the glasnost process became more common in Ashgabat and in the regions in Maydespite the ban on public meetings within the republic Kadyrov, a, pp. He also put the group under his control through his proxies at the Academy of Sciences. He pretended to be open to discussion with the intellectuals and to be ready how many units botox in one syringe include some of the ideas of the movement on the republican agenda Kadyrov, a, p.
However, typical of his character, he apparently feared any alternative movement or ideas.
The first open event of the Agzybirlik movement on the site of the Geok Tepe battle and fortress in January challenged the official interpretation of Russian-Turkmen relations and demanded the establishment of a Memorial Day on 12 January, the date of the battle. It demonstrated the ability of alternatives to organise real actions, which could, in the mind of Niyazov, turn out to be a real political challenge. It convinced him of the necessity to behave less tolerantly towards the movement.
This demonstration became the starting point for further and increasing suppression of the activists and alternatives. Agzybirlik became for him the symbol of the opposition, as although many of those blamed for the support or membership of the movement were in fact not connected with it Starodymov, As such, Agzybirlik represented an important challenge for the regime and the stability of those Akhal-Teke who were firmly connected with their recently gained positions. Although the law was not adopted, Niyazov lately usurped fully the concern about the Turkmen language Turkmenbashi,pp.
He also adopted the initiative concerning the Geok Tepe battle. The problem with Agzybirlik was, as one of its founders and later political emigrant Akmurad Velsapar pointed out, its overemphasis on democratic values and, consequently, a kind of intellectual introversion. The potential supporters from Ashgabat and, more particularly, from the regions and Ashgabat surroundings, demanded more nationalistic or Islamic renaissance rhetoric Velsapar, The narrow group of intellectuals did not represent Turkmen society, especially the substantial non-Akhal-Teke part outside the capital, who mostly perceived them through the lenses of tribalism and considered them as the representative of another expression of Akhal-Teke hegemonism.
The society in Turkmenistan became more fragmented than Agzybirlik supposed. Therefore, the important democratic slogans and refusal to serve as more radical nationalists or followers of Islamic renaissance split the movement and its representatives from its potential supporters. As one moderate critic of Agzybirlik remarked, they generally considered the shift towards more nationalism unattractive to other levels of Turkmen society Starodymov, It made it easier for the regime to gradually reduce and later suppress the movement.
The powers intervened during both attempts to transform the group to an official movement or even a political party in March and January Kadyrov, b. The movement was only able to appeal to the public to vote for the preservation of the USSR during the referendum in Kadyrov, a, p.
He could rely on the strong mandate given by the non-alternative elections in Octoberwhere Niyazov obtained It cleared the way for suppression of any alternative group potentially able to challenge his rule. The first issue was ready in September and was published in Moscow at the beginning of The authors who agreed to contribute their texts in the journal came mostly from the Agzybirlik and other alternative groups.
Many people from the intelligentsia of that time refused contribution to the journal as it presented open anti-Niyazov views Berdyev, A similar fate affected the discussion club Pajkhas, created at the Academy of Sciences. The group was labelled as nationalistic in the official press and its members started to be persecuted following the ban of the group in January Kadyrov, b. Ideologically, Niyazov adopted some of the most important topics of the potentially most influential alternative groups.
Open arrest was applied from Even if some writers tried to adapt soft power through protest or hunger strikes, it had no results against the growing repressive machine of the regime in Ryblov,pp. Agzybirlik tried to establish itself as a national movement but was definitively banned Kadyrov, a, p.
Other experiments with the establishment of political parties were organised in ; the Agrarian Party, the Communist Party, Agzybirlik, as well as the Russian Society of Turkmenistan, had ambitions to participate in the future elections. The last open protests were suppressed in The regime involved the whole range of the repressive apparatus in order to cut down any alleged opposition activities Saparov, ; Safronov,