Regime dei minimi 2014 quanto pago di tasse

Katainen l'a dit, qu'une économie basée sur l'investissement est une économie qui crée plus de prospérité qu'une économie basée sur la simple consommation. Tout simplement, parce que lorsque vous investissez, lorsque que vous essayez de vous positionner à la pointe de l'innovation, et ici en particulier dans le domaine énergétique, eh bien vous vous mettez en situation de créer de la valeur ajoutée mais aussi compétitivement vous êtes en avance sur d'autres zones de la planète.

Cela veut dire que, lorsqu'inévitablement nous devrons réduire notre consommation énergétique ou notre consommation de ressources, je préfèrerais que ce soit l'Europe qui vende ses solutions à l'extérieur plutôt que l'Europe ne doive acheter les solutions et la technologie qui va avec à la Chine, au Brésil ou aux États-Unis.

C'est comme vous voulez, mais si vous préférez favoriser l'économie par la spéculation et la consommation, je crains très fort que l'Europe ne plonge plus profond dans le marasme. Jean-Luc Schaffhauser NIquestion "carton bleu". La seule question que je me pose et que j'aimerais vous poser, c'est: est-ce possible sans changer la politique de la Banque centrale européenne? Ne faut-il pas faire un quantitative easing ou de la création monétaire pour l'économie réelle?

Non pas pour que ça aille uniquement aux banques mais pour que, effectivement, il y ait un grand programme d'investissements que proposait d'ailleurs la Commission.

La seule question que je me pose, c'est comment elle va le financer. Je pense donc que, sans création monétaire, sans quantitative easing au moins de milliards dans le développement durable, ça ne sera pas possible. Dans une certaine mesure, ce qu'on observe, c'est déjà une forme de quantitative easing plus modeste en Europe continentale que ce qu'on voit au Royaume-Uni. Qu'il faille mettre à disposition des liquidités, oui, mais n'oubliez pas que ce sont des prêts qui devront être remboursés.

Il faut évidemment que les investissements soient rentables. Ce que j'observe, c'est qu'en réalité, l'Europe ne souffre pas d'un manque de capital disponible. Le problème est un problème d'allocation de ce capital. Ce capital ne s'investit pas là où il devrait s'investir. Autrement dit, il va plus dans la spéculation, notamment immobilière — vous l'observez à Paris, à Londres, à Bruxelles et ailleurs — et dans les marchés d'actions. Selon nous, il s'agirait donc plutôt de rediriger les liquidités disponibles là où elles peuvent s'investir productivement plutôt que toujours rajouter de la liquidité supplémentaire.

Alors, évidemment dans quelle proportion? C'est à examiner. Mais posons-nous la question de l'allocation des moyens avant de vouloir toujours créer des moyens supplémentaires. Aujourd'hui, l'Europe est un continent riche, ne l'oublions pas, simplement son capital est alloué de manière tout à fait sous-optimale. Dagli ultimi anni abbiamo fatto l'operazione attraverso la BCE di long-term refinancingabbiamo dato tantissimi miliardi, ma nessun vincolo di prestito dall'economia reale.

Adesso sono state annunciate dalla BCE — mi spiace che non ci sia Draghi qua per parlarne — delle possibili operazioni con un target su queste long-term refinancing operation. Il problema qual è? È che andando a leggersi le modalità di queste operazioni, non c'è nessun vincolo reale, perché se si legge bene il documento tecnico invece di fare annunci non ci sono vincoli reali di prestito dall'economia reale. Quindi noi vorremmo, come appoggiato dall'onorevole Lambert, una posizione più netta e decisa nel regolamentare il settore finanziario, perché se noi prestiamo soldi alle banche o diamo la possibilità alle banche di ottenere della liquidità, ma non diamo loro vincoli di prestito dall'economia reale, non riusciremo a rilanciare le nostre economie e uscire da questa crisi.

Bernard Monot NI. En termes de résultat économique, l'expérience nous prouve que ce sommet se terminera comme les autres, à plat! Ou si j'ose dire, en creux! En effet, depuis maidébut de la crise de la zone euro, vous avez tenté pour sauver le système bancaire privé et votre veau d'or, l'euro monnaie unique, des plans de relance massifs pour stimuler l'activité économique, l'austérité draconienne pour la dévaluation des salaires, des retraites et la précarité sociale — la troïka a même été jusqu'à commettre un hold-up sur les dépôts des Chypriotes en avrilsans compter le rétablissement du contrôle des capitaux aux frontières de Chypre, ce qui prouve que la zone monétaire n'est pas optimale.

Combien faudra-t-il de sommets de la zone euro et même du G 20 pour comprendre enfin que la zone euro, c'est la zone zéro! Zéro croissance économique, zéro emploi, zéro compétitivité à l'exception de l'Allemagne, zéro augmentation du pouvoir d'achat. En revanche, c'est la hausse vertigineuse des déficits et des dettes publiques. En dépit de tous les cadeaux faits par les gouvernements et la BCE aux entreprises cotées et aux banques privées, la croissance économique est complètement atone et la compétitivité n'est toujours pas au rendez-vous.

Votre Europe ultralibérale est en train de décrocher. L'autre paradoxe, c'est que M. Juncker a nommé au poste de commissaire en charge du respect des déficits le moins vertueux des ministres de l'économie de l'Eurogroupe, M.

Quand comprendrez-vous que l'euro monnaie unique est une aberration monétaire qui va à contresens des autres pays dans le monde qui possèdent chacun leur monnaie nationale, leur banque centrale et leurs frontières. En France, l'instauration de l'euro a exactement coïncidé avec l'inversion de la balance commerciale qui est devenue structurellement déficitaire; un déficit extérieur français qui bat son record historique en juillet dernier puisque nous avons atteint 85 milliards d'euros en rythme annualisé.

S'agissant de la dette, elle a doublé depuispour atteindre plus de 2 milliards d'euros fin en France. Vous êtes à ce point désespérés de l'échec cuisant de l'euro monnaie unique et de la décomposition de votre système économique que vous réclamez aux États membres de falsifier le calcul du PIB en intégrant l'économie criminelle, c'est-à-dire la prostitution, le trafic de drogue et la contrebande.

Sie sprachen von dem ultraliberalen Europa. Ich frage mich, in welchem Europa Sie leben. Ich sehe ein ultrasozialistisches Europa, ein Europa, in dem Schulden vergemeinschaftet werden, in dem wir über eine Vergemeinschaftung der Arbeitslosenversicherung reden und über viel mehr Unfug, der da noch getrieben werden soll. Erklären Sie mir doch bitte: Was an diesem Europa ist liberal? Bernard Monot NIréponse "carton bleu". Évidemment, nous sommes pour le libéralisme au niveau national et nous sommes pour le protectionnisme au niveau international.

Mais où voyez-vous, aujourd'hui, que les peuples sont heureux de vivre dans cette Europe, l'Europe du chômage, l'Europe de la précarité et de la chute du pouvoir d'achat? C'est cela votre modèle économique? Întrebarea mea este: care este propunerea?

Nous voulons d'une Europe qui rende les gens heureux. Ce que nous proposons, c'est tout simple, la même solution que les grandes puissances économiques mondiales, c'est-à-dire les États-Unis, l'Angleterre, le Japon et la Chine, qui utilisent leur monnaie nationale, leur politique monétaire et leur politique de change, qui utilisent leurs frontières et qui ont des banques centrales.

Nous demandons les mêmes avantages et les mêmes solutions et donc, le retour et le passage à la monnaie nationale avec éventuellement un euro monnaie commune. Voilà les solutions pour rétablir l'égalité par rapport aux citoyens et rendre la prospérité aux peuples. Brian Hayes PPE. I believe that the euro will succeed and that what is essential at this particular time is to do two things for the eurozone economy, and especially for the 28 Member States of the European Union.

We must stick to the targets we have set in terms of stabilising the eurozone system, and it is crucially important that we continue to reduce deficits no matter where they are across the system. I come from a country that has seen enormous reductions in the amount of available expenditure and increases in tax because of the financial crisis, yet in Ireland the GDP growth is at one of the highest levels across the eurozone system.

So even countries that go through enormous adjustments can actually have a much more competitive and productive model of economic growth into the future, if that is pursued. We need to do three things. Firstly, I believe it is crucially important that we continue to reduce tax on work within the European Union. It is a madness policy. Secondly, we need to get business lending going again. That has to change. Thirdly, I very much agree with the Commission proposal in terms of capital market unity right the way across Europe.

It is very important that we get on with that task, Commissioner, ensuring that new funding opportunities are provided in non-bank ways. I shall leave with one more remark. The witcher 3 surpoids future for the eurozone system and the future for Europe is based on strong development and growth. Die Kommission sagt uns, dass sie keine Silberkugel hat. Das wissen wir, das hat Sie uns aber schon häufig gesagt.

Die Kommission muss uns sagen, wie sie mit dem umgehen will, was allgemeiner ökonomischer Sachverstand ist. In einem Binnenmarkt, in einer Währungsunion ist die ökonomische Reaktion umso kräftiger, je mehr sich die beteiligten Mitgliedstaaten in eine gleiche Richtung bewegen. Das ist eine allgemeine Erkenntnis. Jetzt haben Sie uns fünf Jahre erklärt, wie man gemeinsam Haushalte zusammenkürzt.

Wann fangen Sie an, uns zu erklären, wie man gemeinsam investiert? Es ist ja richtig, heute von Investitionen zu sprechen. Endlich ist in der Kommission angekommen, dass Europa eine Investitionslücke hat. Aber wann erklären Sie den Mitgliedstaaten, wie eine gleichgerichtete Bewegung aussehen könnte, damit wir insgesamt in der Investitionstätigkeit zu einem europäischen Mehrwert kommen können? Das sind die wichtigen Themen.

Niemand versteht uns. Die USA verstehen uns nicht, die Chinesen verstehen uns nicht, die Lateinamerikaner verstehen das nicht, was wir machen, ja nicht einmal Frankfurt, die EZB, versteht uns. Deswegen muss Herr Draghi ein ums andere Mal eine kreative Lösung gebären und mutig sein, um die Eurozone zu retten.

Ich bitte die Ratspräsidentschaft, diesen Aspekt der gleichgerichteten Investitionen mit aufzunehmen in die gemeinsame Vorbereitung der entsprechenden Gipfelaktivitäten. Es ist hohe Zeit, dass wir das tun. Kalba buvo nutraukta. Ich bin dennoch bereit, die Frage des verehrten Kollegen zu beantworten. Wenn wir hier so viele blaue Karten zulassen — man kann überlegen, ob das sinnvoll ist oder nicht —, dann möchte ich auch seine sehr berechtigte Frage aufnehmen.

Denn der Kollege hat natürlich Recht: Es wäre sehr viel besser, wenn wir in einem Europa leben würden, wo wir feste Vereinbarungen darüber hätten, dass es in jedem Land einen angemessenen Mindestlohn gibt, einen angemessenen Mindestlohn, der jedem Arbeitnehmer und jeder Arbeitnehmerin sicherstellt, dass er von dem, was er erarbeitet, leben kann und nicht auf zusätzliche Hilfen angewiesen ist. Wir können den Appell des Kollegen nur weiterreichen an Kommission und Rat, einen entsprechenden Vorschlag zu machen.

Das kann morgen früh mit Handschlag vereinbart werden. Ich bin sehr dafür, dass wir diese Entwicklung beschreiten. Ensimmäistäkään ajatusta siitä, millä tavalla tästä mennään eteenpäin, en kuullut. Joten kysyn teiltä, mikä on se pääehdotus teidän ryhmältä? Miten työllisyyttä ja kasvua voitaisiin saada aikaan? Por tanto, no planteo la inexistencia de ese derecho. Lo que planteo es la prudencia en su uso. Por tanto, pido a la presidencia que sea extremadamente prudente y restrictiva en el uso de la tarjeta azul.

Ich muss sagen, ich war von dem Auftakt dieser Diskussion insofern enttäuscht, dass wir ja über den Sommer eine deutliche Verschlechterung der wirtschaftlichen Lage erlebt haben und wir wiederum sehen, dass der Euro derzeit nicht gut geführt und funktionierend ist.

Aber wir haben seit zwei Jahren die Vorschläge der vier Präsidenten für eine bessere Führung der Eurozone, für mehr Integration, für demokratische Legitimation, auch für die Koordinierung der verschiedenen Politikbereiche. Davon habe ich hier nichts gehört.

Stattdessen haben wir auf der Agenda eine Logik der Verschiebung. Das geht nicht. Dann wird der Euro auch gut funktionieren. Aaber das haben Sie heute nicht vorgelegt, sondern Ihre alten Programme wiederholt. The basic test of any economic policy is whether it produces employment, growth and prosperity, and the euro has failed on all counts. For example, the economy of Italy — a country famous for the flair of its people in design, cuisine, fashion, automotive industry and much else besides — is barely any bigger now than it was when the euro was born.

It has been not just a lost decade, but already a lost decade and a half. We know, and you know, Mr Katainen, why this is happening. The economies of southern Europe are on a lower long-term productivity path than is Germany. In order to protect economic activity levels, they need to have their own currencies to gently depreciate against Germany over time. They need to be able to set their own interest rates too. Either that, or they will need large and permanent transfer payments.

However, you do not have the social solidarity across the eurozone to make that tenable. These countries need economic self-determination. You have locked them into deflation. Shame on you! Gianluca Buonanno NI. Forse lui è abituato a parlare con suoi connazionali, faccio un esempio, un noto pilota di Formula uno finlandese, mi pare che si chiami — scusi la pronuncia — Raikkonen o qualcosa del genere, che guadagna milioni di euro. Lei perché non viene con me, io faccio il sindaco di una cittadina della Valsesia, Borgosesia.

Ricevo tutti i sabati mattina, quando c'è il mercato della città. In piazza metto un tavolo e due sedie e ricevo la gente. Su cento persone che vedo, novanta mi chiedono lavoro e denaro, perché questa Europa ha massacrato la gente. Lei parla Le banche prendono i soldi a zero, praticamente, e li rivendono al 10, al 15 per cento agli imprenditori e alle famiglie, questa è la vergogna di questa Europa, e Lei continua ad andare su questo fronte.

E invece di venire in Italia a darci lezioni Os Estados Unidos, que foram o epicentro da crise, saíram dela. A crise hoje é europeia e é consequência das opções de política que fomos seguindo. Qua in Europa Lei, Commissario Katainen, viene indicato come il "falco" del rigore.

Quindi alla politica piace fare questi paragoni col mondo animale. Ne vorrei fare uno anch'io quindi, dicendo che voi state considerando i cittadini europei come agnelli da macello, sacrificati sull'altare delle vostre assurde impostazioni economiche. Quando vi accorgerete che quanto fatto fino ad ora è stato fallimentare e disastroso? Quando vi accorgerete che non si esce dalla crisi regalando tremila miliardi alle banche e non facendo nulla per imprese e cittadini?

Quando vi accorgerete che per tirar fuori quest'Europa dalla crisi la parola d'ordine non deve essere rigore fiscale, ma solidarietà? Voglio chiudere con un consiglio. Il prossimo summit dell'eurozona fatelo nelle periferie delle città europee, que manger pour maigrir a 13 ans werrason i disperati che non possiedono più un lavoro, più una casa, a cui avete rubato la speranza.

Parlate con loro, tutte le settimane, faccia a faccia come faccio io tutte le settimane. Andate a casa, guardatevi allo specchio e domandatevi: stiamo facendo la cosa giusta? Paulo Rangel PPE. In questo senso apprezzo che il Commissario Katainen abbia riconosciuto che servono le riforme, ma anche gli investimenti e che c'è un deficit di competitività, ma anche di domanda aggregata. Ma le parole non bastano, naturalmente. Occorre rapidamente, per essere credibili, definire risposte concrete e coerenti con questa analisi, e per questo noi vigileremo e saremo particolarmente rigorosi sugli investimenti.

Servono i dettagli del piano di trecento miliardi di Juncker, e occorre essere coerenti con quello che anche Lei, Commissario Katainen ha detto: investimenti privati ma anche pubblici, investimenti nazionali ma anche europei.

Quindi fresh money e un'effettiva capacità leverage sui mercati. E poi le politiche fiscali. Il tema della flessibilità.

La flessibilità non è un'eccezione alla regola, la flessibilità fa parte della regola. Anzi, le regole prescrivono l'utilizzo della flessibilità per evitare politiche pro-cicliche in condizioni come queste. Quindi il tema è quello della correzione della posizione fiscale dell'eurozona, non di alcuni paesi, che sia coerente con l'obiettivo della crescita e che favorisca quelle riforme strutturali che da sole, senza una politica fiscale coerente sono più difficili e meno efficaci.

GDP across Europe is 0. Unemployment sits around That is very good news for those people, is it not, when they know people will be sitting in large cars drinking champagne and working out how they are going to make their jobs better?

I hear one of their supporters over there now. We also look at labour costs rising; unemployment rising; private investment falling. I say to you, ladies and gentlemen and Members of this House: if it looks like a failure, it is a failure.

If it smells like a failure, it is a failure. But all they will do at this summit is say: ah, the sweet smell of success! Othmar Karas PPE. Zuerst eine Vorbemerkung: Ich bin etwas erschüttert über die schlechte Vorbereitung dieser Debatte. Wir wissen nicht einmal einen Termin des Gipfels und diskutieren daher heute sehr allgemein.

Wir müssen viel konkreter werden. Wir müssen Projekte festlegen und diese debattieren. Ich bitte Sie auch, comment perdre du poids devant la tele loisir Eurozone nicht auf sich selbst zu reduzieren, sondern die Eurozone muss der Motor für den Binnenmarkt werden.

Was sind unsere Ziele? Nachhaltige Stabilisierung des Bankensektors, Umsetzung der Koordinierungsbeschlüsse, Erhöhung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, des Wachstums, der Beschäftigung und der Investitionen. Wir erwarten uns Vorschläge, wie Sie die Beschlüsse umsetzen und wie wir zu diesen Verbesserungen kommen. Strukturen müssen weiter reformiert werden, in Bildung, Wachstum, Forschung und die Energie-Union ist zu investieren, die Binnenmarktblockaden gehören beseitigt, und die Budgets gehören fit für die Zukunft gemacht.

Wir müssen erst die Bankenunion umsetzen, wir müssen erst dem Europäischen Semester Zähne verleihen. Wir müssen den Troika-Bericht dieses Hauses konkret in der Eurozone umsetzen, was die demokratische Legitimierung, die Kontrolle und die Einhaltung der sozialen Grundrechte betrifft. Und wir sollten endlich das Trauerspiel der Finanztransaktionssteuer dahingehend beenden, dass man sich im Rat darauf einigt, die gemeinsamen Ziele umzusetzen.

Der Vorschlag des Parlaments liegt auf dem Tisch. La Banque centrale a bougé. Mario Draghi — dont nous aurions aimé qu'il soit parmi nous ce matin —, dans son discours à Jackson Hole, a d'une certaine manière dressé en creux un bilan de la Commission à laquelle vous appartenez, en l'interpellant sur sa capacité à mobiliser la demande globale. Que nous répondez-vous? Qu'il faut encore davantage de réformes structurelles sans jamais comprendre qu'une réforme structurelle bien comprise c'est aussi celle qui permet de faire vivre le capital humain.

Nous vous interpellons Monsieur Katainen. Comment allez-vous préparer ce sommet de la zone euro dont nous avons tant besoin pour tenir compte de la nouvelle donne, notamment illustrée par les chiffres de l'OCDE? Quand allez-vous bouger afin de mobiliser cette capacité d'une demande intérieure forte, d'une demande globale de l'Union européenne? Pero después del verano, resulta que parece posible que entremos en una tercera depresión: la OCDE ha revisado el crecimiento, y el crecimiento es peor para la zona del euro y para las tres grandes economías de la zona del euro.

Porque hemos convertido a la economía europea en un enfermo crónico. España es un ejemplo. Un ejemplo de país reformista. No es suficiente, estamos convencidos de ello. Pero no tenemos ninguna duda de que es un ejemplo. Señor Comisario, no solo necesitamos reformas, que también. Necesitamos implementar el plan de Juncker. Espero que esta vez esos planes que tantas veces hemos anunciado no caigan en saco roto y veamos pronto su implementación. Je pense qu'une croissance durable et qu'une reprise de l'activité économique passent, entre autres, par des investissements publics massifs et contrôlés.

Vous le savez, M. Juncker nous a promis, en juillet, un plan d'investissement de près de milliards d'euros et M. Draghi confirme qu'il faut mieux utiliser la politique budgétaire. Eh bien, si vous ne savez pas encore quoi mettre à l'ordre du jour de ce prochain sommet de la zone euro, je pense que c'est vraiment à ces questions essentielles que doit répondre le sommet, notamment le sort qui sera réservé, d'une manière globale, aux investissements publics des États afin que ceux-ci puissent aussi continuer à soutenir la croissance.

En effet, lorsqu'on regarde d'un peu plus près toutes les normes qui ont été établies par Eurostat et notamment les normes SEC, on comprend qu'elles ne collent pas du tout avec la réalité de terrain et qu'elles oublient de comptabiliser les boni, notamment des entités locales, ce qui ne nous permet pas de continuer à soutenir la croissance. Je pense que c'est clairement une erreur. Joachim Starbatty ECR.

Das, was Sie gesagt haben, höre ich seit fünf Jahren, und ich bin sicher, ich werde es auch in fünf Jahren wieder hören. Wir haben keinen Fortschritt. Ich habe das Gefühl, dass die Kommission blind ist für das, was sich in Wirklichkeit vollzieht. Barroso hat hier in diesem Hause gesagt, die Lage sei besser als im Jahr Das Gegenteil ist der Fall. Die Arbeitslosigkeit steigt unaufhörlich, die Gesamtverschuldung steigt unaufhörlich, die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit ist nicht gestiegen, und das ist schlimmer als im Jahr Unsere Bundeskanzlerin hat in Lindau vor Nobelpreisträgern ihre Austeritätspolitik, ihre Reformpolitik analysiert.

Die Nobelpreisträger haben ihre Rede zerrissen. Sie haben gesagt: In einer Rezession weitere Austeritätspolitik zu machen, führt nur dazu, dass die Rezession steigt und die Arbeitslosigkeit ebenfalls steigt. Sie haben aber nicht gesagt, dass wir ein Investitionsprogramm brauchen. Sie haben davon gesprochen, dass wir einen Neuanfang in der Währungsunion haben müssen. Die Länder müssen endlich in der Lage sein, das zu tun, was den Interessen ihrer Länder entspricht.

Das bedeutet: Solange wir den Euro haben, wird es die Schwierigkeiten innerhalb der Währungsunion geben. O apostamos por una zona del euro con un modelo de crecimiento basado en la economía real y con desarrollo social o dejaremos de ser la referencia de progreso que fuimos durante décadas.

Necesitamos, por ello, medidas vinculantes a medio y largo plazo que vertebren Europa, inversiones con un valor añadido europeo en infraestructura y transporte que añadan competitividad, y unos mínimos compartidos en política social. No hacerlo así, señor Comisario, responde a la pregunta que usted formulaba de por qué se detiene la inversión privada. O lo hacemos así, o no saldremos de esta situación de crisis económica.

Mientras tanto, la economía de casino sigue cabalgando con un Banco Central Europeo cuya liquidez queda atrapada en manos de los especuladores, como ha dicho antes mi compañero. Por favor, admitan que se han equivocado, pidan perdón por el sufrimiento causado y, de una vez, relancen ese plan de inversiones que han prometido y del cual hoy, francamente, no nos han dicho absolutamente nada.

Así que, por favor, den un giro de ciento ochenta grados, reconozcan el error y cambien esa política económica que nos lleva al suicidio. It is crucial to all of us. Whether or not you believe that the EU and the euro are fine ideals or whether you believe — as I do — that they are grotesque constructs dragging the people down, all of us agree that we need growth and we need our economies to grow together.

The greatest way that we can do this is to free the peoples of Europe from the chains that bind them and are holding all of them down — the over-oppressive state and too much taxation. There are too many things holding back their spirit. Free the entrepreneurial spirit of the people of Europe, allow them to work their way out of poverty; allow them, through their own drive, courage, determination and creativity, to make things great again.

I call upon all of you, and particularly the Commission, to please think of these noble concepts. We all want to be better off, we all want to be wealthier, but let us use our individual creativity to achieve this.

I would just like to make a couple of comments. Mr Balz recalled reforms in order to strengthen growth potential. This is a very important issue, because in many of our Member States the potential for growth is at a low level. This is why we need various reforms. It depends on the country. We do not need the same reforms in every country, but surpoids et valgus depends on the local situation.

It is very easy to agree with Ms Rodrigues, who said that we have to emphasise safeguarding the European social model. She also recalled the need for reforms to strengthen innovation, for instance. This is very important. There are various ways to organise innovation financing in different Member States, and we could perhaps copy the best practices from different countries. This is something which could régime venezuela Europe, and this kind of reform brings us forward.

There are many strengths in Europe but also some shortages and weaknesses. I personally believe in research and development and innovation. Innovation usually means that there must be strong fundamental research and entrepreneurship. So it is not only a question of money but also of how to organise and use public resources better than we are doing at the moment. It is also very important to find a more efficient way to use the EIB.

Mr Lucke — if I understood correctly — said that, if we want investment, it does not make sense to consolidate. For me this is not a black and white question, because investment means demand and that there must be a good level of confidence. That is why we have to combine healthy reforms.

We need more demand and some consolidation in order to strengthen confidence, and we need European efforts. The Commissioners-designate are trying to define this at the moment. I hope that we can continue this debate later on, focusing more on investment and growth.

Gli interventi peraltro sono andati ben al di là del tema specifico della riunione del vertice euro che si terrà il mese prossimo. Su questo non posso aggiungere molto a quanto già detto nel mio discorso di apertura per quanto riguarda quella particolare riunione. Posso ribadire che saremo in grado di dire di più quando la riunione verrà convocata.

Potremo sicuramente avere una discussione più circostanziata nella plenaria del prossimo mese. Written statements Rule Necesitamos hechos. Exigimos un calendario concreto del plan de inversión propuesto por el Presidente Juncker, pero también compromisos de los líderes europeos sobre la dotación económica que piensan comprometer para este plan a nivel nacional pero lben pour maigrir urgent todo a nivel europeo. Necesitamos políticas fiscales expansivas y solidarias que estimulen una demanda esclerótica que, unida a la deflación que nos acecha, nos condena al estancamiento permanente.

Y necesitamos dejar de reducir los salarios, porque hasta la OCDE nos alerta de que esto ha pasado a ser un problema que nos puede condenar para muchos años. Necesitamos acabar con el mito de la austeridad expansiva porque esa expansión es imposible cuando todos a la vez nos ponemos a ahorrar y nadie gasta o invierte, y solo provoca pobreza y sufrimiento. This is an important debate and I already see many who would like to catch the eye.

We will take note of all of the requests and we would ask our blue-card speakers kindly to respect the rule of 30 seconds for a question, and indeed 30 seconds for the response. Le prospettive per i giovani di entrare nel mondo del lavoro destano particolare preoccupazione e rappresentano una delle nostre massime priorità.

Conosciamo tutti la gravità della situazione, il persistente contesto di crescita lenta continuerà a frenare le prospettive di occupazione. La ripresa economica nella prima metà del è stata fragile, disomogenea — ne abbiamo discusso prima, ne avete discusso prima — e non ha avuto fino ad ora un reale effetto sulla creazione di posti di lavoro. Il tasso di disoccupazione giovanile nell'Unione europea rimane alto, al momento supera in media di due volte e mezzo quello degli adulti, interessando oltre cinque milioni di giovani al di sotto dei venticinque anni in Europa.

I tassi di disoccupazione giovanile sono ancora inaccettabilmente alti in molti Stati membri. Sappiamo tutti che la disoccupazione e l'inattività giovanile hanno costi elevati. Tali costi non costituiscono soltanto un fattore sociale a breve termine, vi sarà un notevole prezzo economico da pagare nel lungo periodo. I leader dell'Unione europea sono ben consapevoli della gravità della situazione. Nel corso degli ultimi due anni hanno impresso un impulso politico significativo in numerose riunioni del Consiglio europeo.

L'anno scorso in particolare, hanno convenuto in primo luogo di prevedere un finanziamento aggiuntivo di sei miliardi di euro riservato all'iniziativa a favore dell'occupazione giovanile e di anticiparlo nel corso dei prossimi due anni.

Consentitemi di illustrare brevemente alcuni punti del sistema di garanzia per i giovani che, come sapete, è stato adottato ad aprile dello scorso anno. Conformemente alla raccomandazione del Consiglio, gli Stati membri dovrebbero garantire che i giovani ricevano un'offerta qualitativamente valida di lavoro, proseguimento degli studi, apprendistato o tirocinio entro un periodo di quattro mesi dall'uscita dal sistema di istruzione formale o dall'inizio della disoccupazione.

Tutti gli Stati membri hanno presentato i loro piani di attuazione della garanzia per i giovani. Sono stati aiutati dalla Commissione, che valuta le misure adottate dagli Stati membri e fornisce riscontri in merito alle stesse. Siamo lieti di affermare che le prime valutazioni indicano un alto livello di impegno da parte delle amministrazioni nazionali e buoni progressi nell'attuazione. Gli sforzi profusi dagli Stati membri nell'ideazione e nello sviluppo di questi piani rappresentano la vera prova del loro impegno.

Vorrei approfittare di questa opportunità per sottolineare il lavoro svolto dal comitato per l'occupazione che ha contribuito a favorire una migliore comprensione delle politiche e dei programmi messi in atto dagli Stati membri.

Nel corso di recenti dibattiti, i ministri hanno riferito in merito all'esperienza acquisita nell'attuazione delle garanzie per i giovani e delle iniziative a favore dell'occupazione giovanile. Hanno sottolineato tuttavia che occorre fare di più. Il Consiglio segue attentamente gli importanti contributi del Parlamento a questi dibattiti. Condividiamo appieno la posizione espressa nella risoluzione del 17 luglio di quest'anno secondo la quale sono necessarie misure forti per combattere la disoccupazione giovanile.

Vi è la sfida specifica di affrontare le cause strutturali della disoccupazione giovanile. Sosteniamo il vostro appello per azioni sistematiche e articolate nel contesto della riforma dei sistemi di apprendistato o dell'istruzione e formazione professionale, oppure in quello dell'orientamento e del sostegno professionali, dello sviluppo delle competenze e della loro corrispondenza, o ancora dell'intervento tempestivo per prevenire l'abbandono scolastico.

Non vi sono alternative, l'Europa deve fare in modo che i giovani possano trovare un lavoro o che siano reintrodotti nell'istruzione e nella formazione.

Dobbiamo continuare a investire nelle giovani generazioni. È essenziale che gli Stati membri decidano misure concrete, che aumentino l'occupabilità dei giovani, ne migliorino le prospettive di ingresso nel mercato del lavoro e rendano più agevole la transizione dall'istruzione al lavoro.

Occorre concentrarsi sull'adeguamento dei sistemi di istruzione nazionali alle esigenze del mercato del lavoro. Parimenti, sul fronte della domanda, occorre fare di più per facilitare l'accesso delle piccole e medie imprese ai finanziamenti — ne abbiamo discusso prima, ne avete discusso anche prima — affinché possano creare posti di lavoro. La formazione professionale e l'apprendistato rivestono particolare importanza e l'Unione europea ha adottato di recente una serie di iniziative in materia, quali l'alleanza europea per l'apprendistato e il quadro di qualità per i tirocini.

Certo è essenziale che i giovani entrino nel mercato del lavoro, ma spetta ai singoli Stati membri scegliere le politiche giuste e adottare misure efficaci. A livello dell'UE, gli Stati membri ricevono assistenza e sostegno finanziario, ma una soluzione valida per tutti non è adeguata.

Ogni Stato membro si trova ad affrontare sfide diverse, e al riguardo va osservato anche che la situazione economica attuale non facilita i compiti che ci attendono. Oggi cellulite behandlung daheim delle sfide non sono necessariamente strutturali ma cicliche, in funzione delle condizioni economiche. È pertanto essenziale riportare le nostre economie sulla via che conduce a una crescita foriera di occupazione.

È necessario a tal fine che tutti gli attori uniscano i loro sforzi verso il raggiungimento di tale obiettivo comune. Signora Presidente, onorevoli deputati, la Presidenza italiana continuerà a porre in cima alle priorità il miglioramento della situazione dei nostri giovani. L'ultimo Consiglio europeo ha accolto con soddisfazione la nostra intenzione di organizzare un vertice sull'occupazione, specie quella giovanile. Questo evento ad alto livello darà seguito alle conferenze che sono state tenute lo scorso anno a Berlino e Parigi.

Concludendo, consentitemi di esprimere la speranza che riponiamo nell'impegno costante con cui la nuova Commissione europea affronterà con forza e convinzione le sfide dell'elevata disoccupazione giovanile.

The Youth Guarantee is one of the most important and ambitious reforms proposed by this Commission. As you know very well in this House, the Youth Guarantee is a fundamentally new approach based on the best existing models within the European Union, namely those of Austria and Finland. It is a key structural reform that requires in-depth changes to education, training and job search systems in order to facilitate and accelerate the transition from education to employment. The concept of the Youth Guarantee has been endorsed by the G20 employment Ministers meeting last week in Melbourne.

We have been working very hard with the Member States to implement the Youth Guarantee. A few months ago, all Member States submitted comprehensive implementation plans to the Commission. Since then, they have passed new laws, established innovative working methods, and upgraded the support provided by the public employment services. Pilot projects are also running in a number of Member States. So implementation of the Youth Guarantee is well on track and is already bringing results.

Compared to other structural reforms in Europe, the Youth Guarantee is probably the one being most rapidly implemented. As President Schulz highlighted a few day ago at the Cohesion Forum, significant EU funding dedicated to implementing the Youth Guarantee has been made available to the Member States, including through the frontloading of the EU budget.

Let me inform you of the state of play of the dedicated youth employment initiative resources with the latest data. The Commission has received all 34 operational programmes which include resources from the initiative. As regards financial allocations, we can therefore ensure on the basis of the submitted operational programmes, that all the EUR 6. In addition, on the basis of the draft operational programmes submitted by the Member States, we can foresee that over EUR 4 billion of additional European Social Fund resources will be committed to supporting youth employment.

In other words, the Member States have — at this stage — approximately EUR 10 billion to support young people. What about the actual action on the ground? Some Member States have already stated that they are making use of the early eligibility date, i. I have asked national authorities to provide us with concrete information on the estimated number of young people who benefit from these measures and on the types of measures financed by the Member States in I expect to receive this information from the Member States by the end of this month.

The level of unemployment has been decreasing in Europe in the last year, but it is still very high, and there are still more than 5 million young people among the unemployed. I believe the Youth Guarantee will help to make an economic recovery job-rich, and it will make a systematic and decisive improvement to school-to-work transitions.

Le discours d'ouverture du Secrétaire général Rosa Pavanelli au 30e Congrès mondial de l'ISP

However, we should not forget that, in the absence of overall economic growth, it would be impossible for any labour market reform to solve and economic crisis of such a magnitude as we have experienced in Europe. In other words the Youth Guarantee will deliver much more when it will be accompanied by adequate and more supportive macroeconomic instruments, and I very much count on the Italian Presidency to keep all this high on the political agenda.

David Casa, f'isem il-grupp PPE. Tatsächlich handelt es sich um eine europäische Katastrophe, wenn wir sehen, dass in den letzten fünf Jahren die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit in Europa dramatisch angestiegen ist. Um tatsächlich Erfolg zu haben, müssen wir für die Mitgliedstaaten auch die Hürden zur Entwicklung, zum Bearbeiten der Programme abbauen. Gerade die Krisenländer haben Probleme mit der Ko-Finanzierung, und da muss nachgebessert werden.

Mir scheint das Verfahren auch vielfach viel zu kompliziert. Zwar zeigen die letzte Woche von der Kommission vorgestellten Pilotprojekte erste Fortschritte, aber wir müssen auch genau hinschauen: Wie wird das Geld vor Ort verwandt?

Wird es tatsächlich zielgerichtet zum Abbau der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit eingesetzt? Wir Sozialdemokraten fordern eine umfassende Strategie zur Bekämpfung der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit.

Dazu gehört es auch, die Finanzierung nach sicherzustellen, Investitionen in Wirtschaftswachstum, Schaffung von guten Arbeitsplätzen und mehr europäische Solidarität, gerade auch mit den Krisenländern. I think we also have to recognise that causes differ across the EU and there is no one-size-fits-all solution. I was very pleased that the Council recognised this.

So, no one-size-fits-all EU blueprint. But the Commission has a great role to play in helping to share anti rides buste ideas and best practice that it finds across the Member States. I am very pleased that in my own country — the UK — youth unemployment fell by in the last year.

That is the largest fall since records began over 30 years ago, so I am pleased that we are going in the right direction. So it is those companies that need to be helped and encouraged to take on young people.

I think we also need to have programmes and encouragement for young people to become entrepreneurs, to use their great energy and enthusiasm, and to provide mentors to help them to create their own businesses, become entrepreneurs and, in turn, employ people themselves. There is still a lot to do, but I think that we are heading in the right direction. The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 8. I wonder if 2nd regiment pennsylvania provisional heavy artillery agrees with me that, when I hear these kind of debates, I am always reminded of what President Reagan said — that the most frightening words in the English language are: I am from the government and I am here to help.

Also, would she agree with me that the best way to help West Midlands youngsters get jobs is to stop the flow of unskilled mass immigration into our area, allowing them to get a foothold on the employment ladder?

Within Europe we have a skills shortage. We have shortages in ICT skills of somewhere between and ; we have a great shortage in science, technology, engineering and maths. So we do not have floods of people coming to take jobs — I know the fear that some parties thrive on — but what we are seeing, and you must have seen it in the West Midlands, is youth unemployment coming down. We are pursuing the right policy. Ovviamente dobbiamo distinguere chiaramente tra mobilità e precariato.

Io ho parlato di quella mobilità che è proprio la mobilità di opportunità dei giovani di andare a lavorare all'estero, di avere le stesse condizioni e di poter trovare un lavoro adeguato anche in altri paesi membri. Il y a urgence. Urgence à inclure enfin les jeunes Européens dans la société. Sinon, c'est l'idée même d'Europe qui disparaîtra. Renzi et M. Juncker veulent faire du chômage des jeunes leur priorité.

Mais soyons ambitieux! Que la prochaine Commission commence par proposer que les investissements en faveur des jeunes sortent des calculs des déficits publics. Que la garantie pour la jeunesse devienne enfin une réalité. Que le Fonds social européen soit réellement mobilisé et que les fameux milliards annoncés par M. Juncker soient investis là où il y a de l'emploi, notamment la transition énergétique. Donc, mettez le paquet sur la formation et l'apprentissage.

Il y a quelque chose que vous n'avez pas dit et qui est important: il faut sortir les jeunes de la pauvreté. Quand allez-vous mettre en place une directive sur le revenu de base? Chers collègues, ne pas inclure les jeunes, c'est oublier de préparer l'avenir. Alors que les jeunes, c'est avec eux, c'est pour eux qu'il faut aller vite, plus fort et plus loin. C'est dans cet hémicycle qu'il faut préparer demain.

C'est ici L'oratrice accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" articleparagraphe 8, du règlement. Pourquoi faut-il y avoir dans cet hémicycle un réveil et une conscience — vous parlez d'émotion?

Mais parce qu'il y a urgence! La jeunesse doit faire cette Europe. Aujourd'hui, la jeunesse ne vote plus ou vote pour des partis qui sont contre l'Europe.

Je veux redonner espoir. Vous dites: "dans les systèmes qui marchent. J'estime, aujourd'hui, que la jeunesse, il faut la prendre à bras-le-corps ici et faire en sorte qu'elle soit la priorité, notamment de notre horizon européen.

It is making it harder and harder for them to find jobs. Your flagship Youth Guarantee scheme is doomed to fail. The International Labour Organisation said that it needed EUR 21 billion to actually make it effective, but only EUR 6 billion is budgeted for the current period, although I have just heard that you have raised a little bit more.

But the elephant in the room is immigration. We have a complete open door to million people in the EU to compete for jobs, claim benefits and settle in the UK. How can we say to our young people that this is going to help them find work? We are forcing them to compete against a large workforce coming over from the EU and undercutting wages. The Labour Party and the Conservative Party, of course, support this open door immigration policy.

I would also like to ask whether vocational skills provision is preventing job growth in Yorkshire? I would agree that we need to put something in place whereby we can actually activate more apprentice schemes in our own region where we seem to be falling behind with our younger unemployed. We will continue to take names for catch the eye but realistically we are going to run out of time. Mara Bizzotto NI.

L'UE che aiuta i giovani, l'UE che stanzia soldi per i giovani perché i giovani sono il nostro futuro, la nostra speranza. Si aggiungono le belle parole della Presidenza italiana in perfetto stile "renziano": promesse. Dobbiamo investire sui giovani, i giovani sono in cima alle nostre priorità. Ma qui si sta vivendo un grande controsenso, mi chiedo: ci siete o ci fate?

Perché dite che non c'è lavoro per i giovani e dite contemporaneamente che servono cinquanta milioni di immigrati perché manca forza lavoro. Un'altra follia tutta europea. Il mercato interno è sostanzialmente bloccato.

E cosa fate voi? Sanzionate la Russia. E poi? Ecco, sei miliardi sul nulla Que montantes pensa utilizar no próximo ano? Ulrike Trebesius ECR. Meines Erachtens besteht hier die Gefahr, dass die bereitgestellten Gelder verwendet werden, um die Probleme zu überdecken und um notwendige Strukturreformen zu vernachlässigen.

Es werden hier wie bei anderen neuen Programmen der EU, beispielsweise der Bankenunion oder der von Kommissar Andor vorangetriebenen europäische Arbeitslosenversicherung, lediglich Gelder transferiert, vorzugweise von Nord nach Süd. But at least now we have a programme which is specifically designed to respond positively to youth unemployment. But at least we are encouraging Member States to frontload and to spend that money in and So I suppose the question is: are we making progress?

We have a document from the Commission: a first-findings report which looks at a number of pilot projects that have the potential to make positive changes, particularly in the way school-to-work transition is managed and how youth employment services are delivered to young people.

These programmes are providing short-term relief in many cases, and core to the approach is the partnership approach, where the schools, the NGOs, the employers, the government services and the young people themselves are included. Indeed, rajeunir photo en ligne joomla have one of these pilot programmes in Ireland, in Ballymun in Dublin, where a local partnership has been set up under the umbrella of a national partnership.

It is a start: it is a small start by the EU, and Member States now have to step up to the plate. Finally, I want to wish Commissioner Andor well in his retirement. As we say in Ireland, his heart was in the right place. Segundo elemento: la cuestión de los recursos. Sabemos que los 6 millones de euros son insuficientes. Tercero, y esto es un comentario para la Presidencia italiana: francamente, parece un chiste de mal gusto que vengan aquí a decirnos que no han sido capaces de encontrar una fecha para la Cumbre.

Oggi ci troviamo qui a discutere di una Commissione che di innovativo non ha proprio niente. La sua composizione ripropone le larghe intese tali e quali a cinque anni fa, con alcuni Commissari che addirittura sono riciclati in nuove posizioni.

La gioventù non avrà alcun ruolo di preminenza nell'esecutivo. Perché non è presente in alcuna delle macro aree affidata ai super vicepresidenti? Perché pensate di affidare le sorti dei giovani europei, i futuri cittadini europei, a una figura controversa come quella del candidato Commissario Navracsics? Insomma, ancora una volta con le chiacchiere state illudendo i cittadini europei, soprattutto quei giovani che combattono livelli di disoccupazione senza precedenti e che pregiudicheranno il loro futuro e con esso quello dell'intera Europa.

Franz Obermayr NI. Es ist ein Irrglaube, dass der Staat oder die Union sämtliche Wirtschaftsprobleme lösen kann, auch nicht mit viel Geld, das ohnedies ja knapp ist. Arbeitsplätze fehlen, speziell in der Rezessionssituation, wo es natürlich durch diese fehlenden Arbeitsplätze Einstellungsstopps gibt, und das trifft natürlich leider Gottes die Jungen.

Daher müssen wir schauen, dass unsere europäischen Unternehmen für den internationalen Wettbewerb auch gerüstet sind. Dazu gehören natürlich hervorragend ausgebildetes Personal, innovative Mitarbeiter, engagierte junge Mitarbeiter, aber auch gute Rahmenbedingungen für unsere Unternehmen, keine unnötige Bürokratie, keine wettbewerbsverzerrenden bürokratischen Umweltauflagen und Belastungen.

Wir brauchen kluge Anreize, kluge temporäre Regelungen für den Arbeitsmarkt. Dann werden unsere Unternehmen auch wieder vermehrt junge Arbeitskräfte einstellen. Die Jugendgarantie ist unendlich wichtig. Aber sie ist kein Ersatz für das Ergreifen von makroökonomischen Instrumenten.

Die Mittel, die derzeit für den Kampf gegen die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit zur Verfügung gestellt werden, reichen natürlich bei weitem nicht aus.

Die Kommission hat selbst in ihrer Pressemitteilung gestern davon gesprochen, und ich sage es jetzt auf Englisch:. For the Commission, this is crucial expenditure for the EU to preserve its future growth potential. Die Kosten, nicht zu handeln, sind unendlich höher, als Geld in die Hand zu nehmen für junge Menschen. It took time and force of argument to change the minds of our colleagues in the ITUC and the other GUFs, convinced as they were that PPPs were an instrument for development, job creation and investment returns, and also for pension funds.

And yet, thanks to our criticisms, publications, our alliances with many movements involved in local and global campaigns, and also to the pressure we brought to bear on international institutions, we managed to sow the seeds of doubt, to chip away at the belief that the private sector does everything better, and to show that people should come before profits. Thanks to your contribution and proposals, as well as to the efforts of the PSI staff working around the clock, we were able to provide convincing examples based on hard evidence which, as Richard Horton the Director of The Lancet and coordinator ride lyrics mako road the Committee of Experts noted, could not be refuted.

This was the first document produced by an international body and approved by the UN General Assembly which not only calls for the hiring of 40 million health workers bybut also for the first time suggests that the privatization of the health sector could have an adverse effect and will not bring us closer to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals.

Our successful work in this area should inspire us to be even bolder in the future and to strive for more. We took this as our cue to consolidate our alliances with NGOs and civil society organizations so that we can share our objectives, information, research and experiences via the network; we will soon be doing the same thing with our campaigns.

This gave birth to "Privatization Watch", a newsletter which now a readership of 5, I would invite you to take a look at it and to subscribe if you have not already done so.

This digital platform, which I shall be showing you over the next few days, will I hope as of next year be used as an instrument to connect all those fighting against privatization around the world, providing a space to exchange information and experiences, to provide mutual support and to monitor the activities of multinationals and their subsidiaries that are eager to get their hands on all the public services in every country.

It is an instrument that is already being supported by our partners and creates a huge potential for making our actions more effective. Provided, of course, that you are all on board and that you contribute actively to the exchange yourselves.

Our structural and strategic approach has allowed us to influence global policies in favour of public sector jobs and services. They have been integrated into two of our most successful campaigns: one against multilateral free trade agreements and the other in support of tax justice. There were few national trade union centres and GUFs that shared our concerns.

This allowed thousands of our affiliates to fully comprehend the arguments necessary to sway public opinion and influence political decisions. Our ability to bring together a vast coalition of forces provided the catalyst that led to the organization of hundreds of demonstrations around the world with an extraordinary level of participation. Today the situation is somewhat confused.

CETA has entered into force provisionally. The Trump administration has pulled out of TPP, but negotiations with the other 11 countries continue. TTIP negotiations have been frozen, but the European Union is pressing ahead with a number of bilateral agreements with Japan, India, the Philippines, Nigeria and other countries. We still have our work cut out for us, but one thing we do know for certain: we cannot allow economists and negotiators to discuss free trade agreements in secret behind closed doors.

We need to get the issues out into the open. We can also learn from our brothers and sisters in Uruguay and Paraguay whose lobbying activities led those two countries to withdraw from TISA. Occupying the streets and getting our side of the story onto the front pages of newspapers allows us to influence political decisions. This strengthens us and weakens our opponents. Three years ago, how many people would have bet that taxes paid by multinationals would become the explosive issue it has become for politicians today?

Today we know that this discussion is no longer the preserve of the experts and it has been brought out into the open. Now I am not claiming that this was all our achievement. Clearly the disclosures from LuxLeaks and the Panama Papers revealed the extent of the multinationals' tax avoidance and evasion activities.

They also uncovered the intricate and tangled web of favours between politicians and multinationals. This was the real scandal and the reason for growing inequality. On the other hand, we instinctively felt that something was seriously wrong and that is why we thought the time had come to take up the challenge. This body has played a key role in international discussions on development financing. One of our tasks was to explain to trade unionists in plain language how the complex structures and loopholes used by multinationals to avoid paying taxes worked, and to develop training courses on these issues for them.

We also carried out case studies on a number of these companies. More importantly, we were able to show that we have the power to challenge the system and that David can conquer Goliath. Here, too, we were served well by our ability to build alliances and create synergies with many other organizations.

This in turn gives us the capacity to influence political decision-makers. I would be remiss here not to mention the help we received from the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Our desire to influence outcomes can only take us so far.

They stepped up and supported us right from the outset, at a time when many did not believe that free trade trade and taxation were issues that could feature in the trade unions' mass political campaigns. Today, PSI's visibility has grown in all the UN bodies in which we participate, and in many cases, we are the only global union federation to represent the workers. The role we play is appreciated and recognized by dozens of international partners.

Our credit is gradually building up as the voice of the workers and trade unions on a wide variety of development and equality is increasingly acknowledged.

Our work in the OECD has become more selective and is aligned with our own priorities, for example the privatization of public services, governance in public administration, taxation and multinationals, corruption, health, public utilities and digitalization. I have already spoken about our work at the ILO, but there are two subjects I would like to address more specifically. We have expended a lot of effort over the last two years convincing the national centres to reject the ISO standards.

The proposals in themselves were not acceptable, but they rajeunissement sma forum deutschland also have been quite dangerous for another reason. The Memorandum would have allowed the ILO to outsource its own special function, i. Our job is to defend ILO's tripartism and the role of the unions.

Attacks against the tripartite system are coming from all quarters, starting with the World Bank's safety standards and the OECD's plans for dignified work. The goal is clear: to undermine the role of the ILO which is the only international organization in which the trade unions are on an equal footing with, and more importantly, have the same status as the other parties.

The second argument is about the right to strike. During the Labour Conference, the employers' group challenged the interpretation that the right to strike was covered by Convention 87, in spite of the fact that this principle has been consistently endorsed by the Committee on the Application of Standards.

The work of the Committee of Experts and the Committee on the Application of Standards ground to a halt as a result. Inan agreement was reached between the workers' group and the employers' group which, in a nutshell, redefined the role of the Committee of Experts and placed the right to strike and the right to lockout on an equal footing, and denounced the interpretation that Convention 87 provides international recognition to the right to strike.

The workers' group was not consulted on the final text of the agreement which was renewed last spring without any discussion in the workers' group or between the GUFs. Personally, I think that this was a very serious mistake and preventing any discussion of the different positions between the trade unions is simply unacceptable.

As to the merits of the agreement, I would leave it up to you to judge, you who day in day out witness restrictions on the right to strike and even its criminalization, which sometimes leads to arrests, as happened to of our colleagues in Spain. When the social dialogue is hollowed out because collective bargaining is impeded, when the right to form a trade union is undermined, when the right to strike is denied, what instruments do workers and trade union have to ensure that their voice is heard?

Maina Kiai, UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, recalled that "the right to strike is a fundamental one enshrined in international human rights and labour law, and that its protection is necessary in ensuring just, stable and democratic societies". There is one area where I must admit our results have not met our expectations: organizing and union growth. We are revitalizing our global networks in the sectors of health care, local authorities, education and culture, and national administrations in line with the mandate we received in Durban.

However, there are still gaps and difficulties in the regional networks. We need to expand the coverage of our existing networks and create new ones for energy, water and waste management.

This would allow us to respond quickly to the needs of our local affiliates, to monitor privatization processes and ensure that our campaigns are rooted in local communities.

The Women's Committee, too, has reminded us on many occasions that there is still a wide gap to be bridged between the large number of women workers in our sectors and the effective presence of women in leadership positions amongst our affiliates. Even at this Congress, look at the heads of delegations, general secretaries and presidents, and sadly you will see that not all the unions respect the gender equality rule. The same can be said of youth, a subject that has aroused passions at many meetings of the regional executive committees over the past few years.

And yet, the facts speak for themselves; there is still too much resistance, even when it comes to nominating candidates for positions on our statutory bodies. When I was 30 years old, the leaders of my trade union decided to trust the young generation that had emerged from the student protest movement.

They gave us space and allowed us to take on leadership roles in our organizations. Today we must follow their bold example if we want the unions to have a future and if we want to avoid dashing so many hopes. Over the past 5 years our membership has continued to decline - a cause for much concern. We had hoped to grow our membership, but the attacks on public sector jobs have affected our affiliates and, by the same token, PSI.

Although there are differences between the regions, actual membership numbers have not fallen that much. At present there is no cause for alarm, but we do need to step up our efforts to attract new members in order to safeguard the future. To expand membership, we need to invest in organizing and recruit workers in the social services, private health care and waste management.

There is also great potential for growth among our current affiliates, if only we could convincingly show that by pooling our strengths and generating synergy everybody wins.

Pago directo it regimen general

Let me begin this section by saying that you will find the financial report and the report of the member auditors in your documents. Some of you might remember that our accounts showed a large deficit which threatened PSI's financial stability. This situation was created by the very high costs associated with our Congress in Durban.

Then, inwe were involved in a legal dispute and faced with non-budgeted costs amounting regime sportif exemple gratuit several hundred thousand euros. To balance the budget we were forced to cut our structural costs. We closed some of our sub-regional offices; we decided not to replace some of those who retired; and we introduced a 2-year freeze on staff salaries.

We know that this has entailed major sacrifices, and for this I wish to thank the whole of the PSI staff. We also cut our financial contributions for the sub-regional meetings, trying to synchronize our activities so as to avoid duplicating costs without upsetting participants. Many of you have helped us by hosting events, offering PSI office space and contributing to staff costs - especially Brazil, Argentina and Japan. A heartfelt word of thanks go to you all - without your help and the efforts of our staff, we would not have been able to consolidate our balance sheet, nor would we have been able to put the planning of our activities on to a sounder footing.

I think that with just two small increases in affiliation fees in the last five years we have achieved a remarkable result.

In the future, we must apply the same rigour and ethical approach to the management of our finances both at headquarters and in the regions. It will be up to the leadership elected this week to consider very carefully how we can secure the resources we need for our work and how we can create more synergy. Roosevelt was thinking of the tragedy that had befallen Europe in those years, but I believe that what he said could apply to us too. Eighty years after he issued this warning there is no mistaking the signs that democracy is retreating and that private economic interests take precedence over everything else.

The gap between rich and poor has never before been so great, and the concentration of wealth in the hands of a very few - some of whom have more money than many states - represent almost in a physical way the intolerable level of injustice that has been unleashed by liberal globalization. Social conquests that we took for granted are being rolled back, or simply eliminated. Some workers, who never even reaped their benefits, often find themselves exploited in a way that can only be described as a form of slavery.

Migrants, children, women and young people are all seen as a source of cheap labour; they have no one to defend them or to contribute to their social welfare, and they have no access to public services. According to OECD statistics, every year million people slip below the poverty line because of the costs of having to pay for private medical treatment out of their own pocket. At the same time, we have seen the power of the multinationals grow to the point that they can often impose their will on states.

They can swing elections, influence governments and dictate their agendas, creating a fertile ground for institutionalized corruption. In some of the southern countries, particularly in Africa, we are seeing a return to the most repressive forms of colonialism, where natural and human resources are pillaged. Global warming and climate change are causing more and more natural disasters. As a result, people are being forced to flee from their homes and to seek refuge elsewhere, while others are trying to escape war, violence or the violation of their human rights.

In the absence of a global government, the rise of historic phenomena such as racism, xenophobia, terrorism and nationalism goes unchecked and is used to manipulate people's prise de poids abdomen and uncertainties. In a word, fascism is on the rise.

This is how we ended up with Trump, Temer, Macri, Brexit and the appalling leaders of those Eastern European countries who are putting up razor-wire fences.

I am sure that no one here would ever preventing hyperpigmentation acne imagined our congress taking place under the threat of an irrational nuclear war. The fact that we are in such a situation is proof of the failure of the ruling elite. The G7, G20, and even the OECD and the World Economic Forum, are exclusive clubs that do the bidding of capital, but are ill-suited to governing in difficult times when we face momentous challenges.

Every time global capital has asked us to welcome change, to embrace modernity, to adapt, in the hope of saving its own skin, we allow it to happen and so share some of the responsibility for the ensuing disaster. What we need is global governance within the UN system, so that all countries can come together and overcome inequalities, injustice, and imbalances in development.

By pulling together we can deal with the global challenges, but we must also recognize the role of the workers and their unions. Today, digitalization and new technologies are casting a shadow over the future of employment in many sectors. Of course we are right to be concerned, but the labour market has always managed to adapt to technological innovation. What makes digitalization more frightening is that it allows an alarming amount of knowledge and wealth to be concentrated in the hands of a few multinationals in certain sectors.

And the whole debate on a universal basic income is premised on the idea of a society where the majority is weak, poor and marginalized and where their survival is guaranteed so that a tiny minority can live in luxury. All this is part of a fresh attempt to pull the wool over our eyes and to prepare a new and destructive campaign that will secure the triumph of liberalism.

This situation cannot continue, we must stand up, we must prepare so we are ready for whatever our opponents might do. Sustainable environmental and urban development policy must also take into account the rights of workers — in other words, what is needed is a holistic approach.

Our campaign on the financing of public services must tackle issues such as corruption and public debt. Public debt should be seen as an instrument that can introduce flexibility into the management of public finances and should be used to respond to collective needs and the public interest. We also need to consider the financialization of public infrastructure contracts so as to block the insidious attacks on pension funds that workers need so they can enjoy their retirement.

Public services are a valuable tool for integrating migrants, displaced persons and refugees into society. That is how we can contribute to defeating ignorance and prejudice and help develop a more just and peaceful society. I say this even if it comes at the cost of displeasing one or other of our affiliates.

The world is at a crossroads and unless we are prepared to lead the change, the working classes will be deprived of a future for many years to come. There are parts of the world where our footprint is not very large.

But we must use what influence we have to defend our regional and global policies by putting forward clear, radical and inclusive proposals that invite more participation, more democracy, and more justice. And, when necessary, we must just learn to say no. This is the only way we can build a fairer and solidarity-based world that puts people before profits.

Me complace darles la bienvenida y constatar su nutrida presencia ante la semana que se perfila en la que debatiremos, intercambiaremos opiniones y tomaremos decisiones con el propósito de orientar nuestro trabajo de cara a los próximos 5 años. Es precisamente gracias a la memoria de esta historia importante, al apego por nuestros valores, que debemos ser capaces de reconocer las insidias de los egoísmos en constante aumento en muchas partes del mundo, la desfiguración de la realidad que una derecha xenófoba y no liberal nos grita en la cara así como el canto embelesador de las sirenas del mercado libre que promete bienestar a todos llenando los bolsillos de apenas unos pocos.

Ha sido un éxito de los afiliados filipinos, quienes trabajaron durante años para alcanzar ese objetivo. Hace unas semanas NAHWAL celebró su primer congreso reconocido por el gobierno, en el que fueron reelegidos sus líderes. Numerosos afiliados se han movilizado ante las embajadas liberianas de todo el mundo para apoyar la lucha de nuestros compañeros. Queremos seguir apoyando este esfuerzo colectivo hasta lograr que Joseph y George sean reincorporados a su trabajo y que sea reconocido el sindicato.

La reafirmación de los derechos sindicales sigue siendo el fulcro de nuestra acción. Si hemos sido capaces de todo esto, se debe a que muchos de ustedes han contribuido de modo concreto, amén de ayudado en la participación capilar de la ISP en los diversos comités. Los derechos sindicales son derechos humanos y al denegarlos se socava la dignidad de los trabajadores y se erosionan por partes iguales los propios principios de la democracia. Egipto y Guatemala, donde los asesinatos de los sindicalistas permanecen impunes, en Turquía donde Es larga la lista de iniciativas destinadas a reiterar la dignidad y el centrismo del trabajo en todo el mundo, desarrollado gracias a la contribución de tantos sindicados que han puesto a disposición los recursos y la voluntad de acoplar sus políticas de solidaridad internacional a los objetivos de la ISP.

Logramos por primera vez no solo la validez de nuestras argumentaciones sino también que se pusiesen en entredicho los PPP como instrumentos no aptos para los sectores de elevado impacto social, tales como la sanidad, la educación y los servicios hídricos. Desde entonces hemos trabajado para consolidar una red de alianzas con las ONG y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, cuya finalidad es el aprovechamiento en red de nuestros objetivos, de nuestra información, de nuestras investigaciones y experiencias y, en un futuro cercano, también de nuestras campañas.

Esta publicación representa un instrumento que goza del apoyo de muchos de nuestros socios y que ofrece un gran potencial para aumentar la eficacia de nuestras acciones, con tal de que todos ustedes se comprometan, por supuesto, a alimentarlo con sus contribuciones. Fueron pocos los centros nacionales y las federaciones mundiales GUF que compartieron nuestras inquietudes.

Nuestra capacidad para reunir una amplia coalición de fuerzas ha sido el motor de la extraordinaria participación registrada en centenas de manifestaciones a escala mundial. El panorama actual es confuso. Por lo tanto, tenemos una gran labor por desarrollar de aquí en adelante, pero lo que sí es cierto es que hoy sabemos que es preciso que el debate sobre los tratados de libre comercio salga fuera de las salas secretas de los negociadores y de los economistas.

Nos lo han dejado como enseñanza las elecciones en EE. UU, donde todos los candidatos se declararon en contra del TPP. Nos lo han dejado claro también nuestros compañeros uruguayos y paraguayos, quienes han conseguido que, con sus grupos de presión, sus dos países se retirasen del TISA.

Es asimismo motivo de orgullo y satisfacción personal hablarles sobre nuestra campaña por la Justicia Fiscal. Hace tres años, pocos apostaban que la fiscalidad de las transnacionales se convertiría en un tema candente para el mundo de la política. No quiero decir con esto que lo hemos logrado todo nosotros solos.

Considero como un mérito, eso sí, el haber tenido el tino de percibir que el momento era propicio para lanzar este desafío.

Estas campañas han permitido a la Unión Europea investigar sobre los impuestos pagados por McDonalds y Chevron se vio obligado a pagar 10 mil millones de dólares por impuestos retrasados. Sin la contribución fundamental del SEIU y de la FESP en la campaña relacionada taron mack rides McDonald en Europa, y de la FIT en la campaña relacionada con Chevron en Australia, no tendríamos hoy dos sentencias ejemplares que obligan a indemnizar el perjuicio causado por las artimañas fiscales a que han recurrido esas empresas.

En este sentido también ha sido determinante el que hayamos sido capaces de construir alianzas, de crear sinergias con tantas organizaciones que enriquecen nuestra capacidad de influir en las políticas. Nuestro rol es apreciado y reconocido por decenas de socios internacionales.

Un crédito que trasluce en los pequeños, pero constantes, progresos por el reconocimiento del rol de los trabajadores y de los sindicatos en las políticas en pro del desarrollo y de la igualdad.

La defensa del tripartidismo de la OIT equivale a defender el papel de los sindicatos, nuestro papel. El segundo asunto es el derecho a la huelga.

El acuerdo fue firmado sin que se consultase al Grupo de los Trabajadores sobre el texto acordado y, en la primavera de este año, ha sido renovado sin ninguna confrontación con el Grupo de los Trabajadores ni entre las Federaciones Globales GUF, en sus siglas en inglés.

En lo personal, considero ese acuerdo como un error gravísimo y la falta de confrontación entre los sindicatos un método inaceptable. Por lo que se refiere al fondo, dejo que ustedes mismos lo juzguen, ustedes que padecen a diario las restricciones del derecho de huelga, su criminalización hasta con la detención, tal como ocurrió en España con compañeros, entre otros casos. Debo reconocer, en cambio, que en los apartados de la organización y del crecimiento no hemos alcanzado los objetivos prefijados.

Estamos revitalizando las redes mundiales por sector en la sanidad, los poderes locales, la educación y la cultura, las administraciones nacionales, de conformidad con el mandato de Durban, pero persisten los desequilibrios les 3 aliments qui font maigrir las dificultades en lo relativo a la organización regional de las redes. Cuando yo tenía 30 años, los dirigentes de mi sindicato tuvieron confianza en la generación joven que emergía de las luchas estudiantiles y nos dejaron el espacio necesario ofreciéndonos la dirección de nuestras organizaciones.

Actualmente, todos debemos atrevernos a hacer lo mismo si queremos garantizar el futuro del sindicato, si no queremos correr el riesgo de acabar como tantos partidos.

Aunque este dato no nos resulte alarmante en la actualidad, es necesario fortalecer nuestra capacidad de captar a nuevos afiliados para garantizar el mañana. Hay que invertir en la sindicalización de determinados sectores tales como los servicios sociales, la sanidad privada y los residuos donde se prospecta un crecimiento.

Enycomo consecuencia de las disputas legales, tuvimos que efectuar desembolsos no presupuestados que sumaron varios miles de euros. El esfuerzo por estabilizar el presupuesto se centró, por lo tanto, en el recorte de los gastos estructurales, tales como el cierre de algunas oficinas subregionales, la no reposición del personal que ha pasado a la jubilación e igualmente la congelación de los salarios de toda la plantilla durante dos años.

Al mismo tiempo, logramos reducir la financiación de las reuniones subregionales sincronizando su programación de manera que no se duplicasen los costes ni que fuese afectada la participación. Muchos de ustedes nos han ayudado haciéndose cargo de la logística para las reuniones y los eventos, ofreciendo el espacio para las oficinas de la ISP y contribuyendo a los costes con el personal como se ha hecho en Brasil, Argentina y Regime indemnitaire filiere technique. Va a todos un agradecimiento muy sincero, porque esa contribución aunada a nuestros esfuerzos, nos han permitido tanto la consolidación del presupuesto como la concreción de la planificación de nuestras actividades.

Creo que cabe valorizar este resultado, puesto que, en estos cinco años, tan solo han sido necesarios dos ligeros aumentos de las cuotas. Para el futuro, hemos de esforzarnos por mantener el mismo rigor y la misma ética, ya sea en la sede como en las centrales regionales.

Eso es, en su esencia, el fascismo. UU en abril de La brecha entre los ricos y los pobres nunca había sido de tal calado en la historia, con la riqueza concentrada en las manos de poquísimas personas, llegando incluso a superar la de muchísimos estados. Ello nos ilustra en el plano físico el nivel intolerable de injusticia que la mundialización liberal ha generado en estos años. Las conquistas que parecían consolidadas en el plano social, en cambio van a menos cuando no desaparecen por completo, mientras quienes nunca las han disfrutado se encuentran, con cada vez mayor frecuencia y sin esperanza alguna, supeditados a formas de explotación que muy difícilmente podríamos no calificar de esclavitud.

Con todo ello como telón appareil de radiofrequence visage fondo, el poder de las transnacionales ha aumentado hasta imponerse por encima de los estados, llegando incluso a condicionar la elección de políticos y gobiernos amén de sus agendas, con la cuasi institucionalización de un sistema de corrupción internacional.

Al no haber un gobierno global para los fenómenos propios de nuestra época, el racismo, la xenofobia, el terrorismo y el nacionalismo se extienden manipulando los temores y sembrando la incertidumbre en las personas. En pocas palabras, crece el fascismo. Esta situación es la demostración del fracaso de esa élite que pretende gobernar el mundo. Hace falta una gobernanza a escala mundial, dentro del sistema de la ONU, que incluya a todos los países en un intento por superar las desigualdades, las injusticias y los desequilibrios del desarrollo, que plante cara a los retos a nivel mundial, con la participación de todos y en el pleno reconocimiento del papel tanto de los trabajadores como de sus sindicatos.

Nosotros podemos contribuir a que esta situación dé un vuelco, trabajando con mayor ahínco ante los retos a nivel mundial. En la actualidad, la perspectiva de la digitalización y de las nuevas tecnologías proyecta una sombra sobre el futuro del empleo en muchos sectores.

La digitalización debe preocuparnos por la apabullante concentración del conocimiento y de la riqueza en manos de unas cuantas transnacionales que operan en determinados sectores. En pocas palabras, un nuevo ardid para favorecer otra campaña ideológica devastadora en pro del triunfo del liberalismo. Nosotros contamos con una extensa presencia en los cuatro continentes.

Y para que, cuando haga falta, sepamos decir que no. Un futuro dove globalizzazione significhi solidarietà e uguaglianza di diritti per tutti. Vorrei ripercorrere con voi i cinque anni che ci separano dal Congresso di Durban, non per ricordare le decine e decine di convegni e riunioni in cui PSI ha portato il suo ed il vostro contributo — i reports forniscono tutti i dettagli- piuttosto per valutare la strada percorsa insieme e, soprattutto, se il nostro cammino va nella giusta direzione.

Eccovi quattro esempi, che rappresentano altrettanti successi di PSI conseguiti nelle ultime settimane. Un successo che corona una battaglia decennale di PSI e dei suoi alleati e che aggiunge un altro tassello alla ormai lunga lista di servizi ripubblicizzati.

Nelle scorse settimane NAHWAL ha tenuto il suo primo congresso che è stato riconosciuto dal governo, dove ha rieletto i suoi leaders. Numerosi affiliati si sono mobilitati presso le ambasciate liberiane in tutto il mondo per sostenere la lotta dei nostri compagni.